Forsker
Pernille Rieker
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Sammendrag
Pernille Riekers forskningsinteresser er europeisk integrasjon (EU) og europeisk utenriks- og sikkerhetspolitikk, inkludert fransk og de nordiske lands utenriks- og sikkerhetspolitikk. I tillegg har hun arbeidet med dialog og konfliktforebygging mer generelt. Hun har en doktorgrad (dr.polit) fra 2004 (Universitetet i Oslo). På NUPI er Rieker del av Forskningsgruppen for sikkerhet og forsvar (SecDef). Hun er koordinator for NUPIs Senter for Europastudier (NSE) og medredaktør for tidsskriftet Internasjonal Politikk.
Publikasjoner:
Bøker: Franske tilstander: Forstå det moderne Frankrike? (Universitetsforlaget 2024); European Actorness in a Shifting Geopolitical Order. European Strategic Autonomy Through Differentiated Integration (Palgrave 2024); French Foreign Policy in a Changing World. Practising Grandeur (Palgrave 2017); External governance as security community building – the limits and potential of the European Neighbourhood Policy (Routledge 2016); Dialogue and Conflict resolution. Potential and limits (Routledge 2015) og Europeanization of National Security Identity. The EU and the changing security identities of the Nordic states (Routledge 2006).
Artikler: Making Sense of the European Side of the Transatlantic Security Relations in Africa (Politics & Governance, 2022); 'Not so unique after all? Urgency and Norms in EU foreign and security policy' (Journal of European Integration, 2021); 'Differentiated integration and Europe's Global Role: A Conceptual Framework' (European Foreign Affairs Review, Special Issue, 2021); 'Differentiated Defence Integration Under French Leadership' (European Foreign Affairs Review, Special Issue, 2021); 'Plugging the capability-expectations gap: towards effective, comprehensive and conflict-sensitive EU crisis response?' (European Security nr. 1, 2019); 'Spin-off av EØS? Norge og europeisk utenriks-, sikkerhets- og forsvarssamarbeid' (Internasjonal Politikk 77(4), 2019); 'EU-supported reforms in the EU neighbourhood as organized anarchies: the case of post-Maidan Ukraine' (Journal of European Integration nr. 4, 2018); 'Autonomy and Integration? Small-state responses to a changing European security landscape' (Global Affairs nr. 3, 2017); 'The EU, Russia and the potential for dialogue – Different readings of the crisis in Ukraine' (European Security nr. 3, 2016) og 'The EEA Grant. A source of Soft Power?' (Journal of European Integration nr. 4, 2015).
Mer informasjon om hennes øvrige arbeider finnes i hennes fullstendige CV eller på prosjektsidene.
Pågående forskning:
Pernille Rieker leder prosjektet RE-ENGAGE, som skal se på hvordan EU kan styrke sin utenrikspolitiske verktøykasse, inkludert utvidelses- og naboskapspolitikken - for å styrke unionens geopolitiske innflytelse og være bedre rustet til å fremme demokrati i sitt nabolag.
Innenfor rammen av Norge og EU mot 2030 ser Rieker nærmere på utviklingen av EU som sikkerhetspolitisk aktør og implikasjoner for Norge.
I ADHOCISM prosjektet ser hun nærmere på Frankrikes militære rolle i Mali.
Ekspertise
Utdanning
2004 Dr. polit, Institutt for statsvitenskap, Universitetet i Oslo. Avhandling: Europeanisation of Nordic security
1998 Can. polit, Institutt for statsvitenskap, University of Oslo. Avhandling: Fransk NATO-politikk i 1990-årene. Kontinuitet eller endring?
Arbeidserfaring
2017- Forsker I, NUPI
2011-2017 Seniorforsker, NUPI
2009-2011 Seniorrådgiver, NordForsk
1999-2009 Doktorgradsstipendat/seniorforsker/avdelingsleder, NUPI
Aktivitet
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Working paper on EU’s policies and instruments for PVE
This working paper maps and analyses the toolbox of the EU and a handful of European countries by providing a comprehensive overview of existing measures aimed at preventing violent extremism (PVE) within and outside the EU. It lists the institutional set-up, the decisionmaking processes and coordinating practices at both the EU and state levels. In addition to an analysis of counter-terrorism and PVE strategies at the level of EU institutions, the toolbox of four EU member states (Germany, France, Ireland, Spain) and one former member state (UK) is analysed because of their particular experiences with and competences in the area of prevention of violent extremism.
Working paper on the implementation of the EU’s policies
This working paper builds on earlier research in which we mapped and analysed the toolbox of the European Union (EU) and a handful of European countries by providing a comprehensive overview of existing measures aimed at counter-terrorism (CT) and preventing violent extremism (PVE) within and outside the EU. It listed the institutional setup, the decision-making processes, and co-ordinating practices at both the EU and state levels. In addition to an analysis of CT and PVE strategies at the level of EU institutions, the toolbox of four EU member states (Germany, France, Ireland, Spain) and one former member state (UK) was unpacked because of their particular experiences with and competences in the area of prevention of violent extremism. Overall, our research found that the PVE agenda is quite a recent phenomenon in most member states and principally aims at preventing violent Islamist extremism through community engagement. The UK has been a pioneer in developing a ‘prevent’ pillar as part of its 2003 CT strategy and has since then actively contributed to the development of an EUlevel PVE framework. This EU framework has in turn pushed other member states, such as Ireland and Spain, to develop their own national PVE strategies in recent years. While Germany has also over the past decade made significant strides in preventing involvement in extremism and has brought its national practices to the EU level, France has generally favoured a more securitized than preventive approach. The present working paper takes the research one step further by looking more closely at the implementation of adopted PVE measures and practices in the EU and the abovementioned key states, both domestically as well as vis-à-vis the Western Balkans and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. As such, we present a more evaluative overview geared towards identifying best practices and lessons learned in this field. The paper not only focuses on how policy is implemented and followed up, but also assesses the EU’s experiences in co-operating with member states and vice versa. In doing so, the research tries to take on board key recent developments, in particular in France and at the EU level, in response to a new series of terrorist attacks that took place in Paris, Nice, and Vienna between the end of October and mid-November 2020. The research builds on a set of in-depth interviews with PVE officials and practitioners within the EU and national administrations.
Policy brief on the implementation of the EU’s policies
Violent extremism is not a new phenomenon and terrorism has a long history in Europe, often linked to separatist movements, anarchism, and far-right and far-left extremism. The trends, means, and patterns of radicalization have evolved rapidly since the Arab uprisings flared exactly a decade ago. Counter-terrorism (CT) and preventing violent extremism (PVE) strategies have developed alongside these trends at the national and supranational level. In the wake of a series of Jihad-inspired terror attacks in Spain, France, Germany, Belgium, the UK, and elsewhere, European Union (EU) member states ramped up their military campaigns against the Islamic State (ISIS, aka Daesh) and al-Qaeda in Syria and Iraq. But since the fall of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS), governments’ interest in fighting terrorism in the Middle East has decreased. Nevertheless, some European countries remain on the front foot in their securitized PVE approach. Although there is no apparent connection between the anti-jihad war waged by the French army in Mali and the radicalization in France, the government is calling for more support from European countries to fight against jihadi movements in the Sahel. But the appetite for costly expeditionary campaigns is decreasing. By and large, the phenomenon of violent extremism is perceived as homegrown. And whereas large differences remain in individual countries’ approaches to tackling the challenges posed by violent extremism, it has nevertheless become increasingly clear that today’s security challenges – whether it is terrorism, organized crime, cyberattacks, disinformation, or other evolving cyber-enabled threats – are shared threats that require a transnational approach. Indeed, Europe as a whole faces new security issues and specific challenges for preventive work that (lone) actors and (returning) foreign terrorist fighters raise, while the internet and social media give extremist and terrorist groups and their sympathisers new opportunities for spreading their propaganda, mobilization, and communication. It is against this changed backdrop that this policy brief asks what lessons the EU can learn from best practices identified at the national level, and in the co0ordination efforts with the supranational institutions.
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Hvordan krigen i Ukraina endret nordmenns meninger om EU og NATO
Hvilken effekt har krigen i Ukraina hatt på nordmenns tanker om internasjonalt samarbeid?
Valg i Polen – hva er igjen av den liberale ordenen?
Høstens valg kan bli avgjørende for demokratiets fremtid i Polen.