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Morten Bøås
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Morten Bøås (PhD) er seniorforsker og jobber i hovedsak med tema knyttet til fred og konflikt i Afrika, inkludert problemstillinger som landrettigheter og statsborgerskapkonflikter, ungdom, eks-stridende og det nye landskapet som tegner seg med hensyn til opprør og geopolitikk.
Bøås har forfattet og redigert en rekke bøker og artikler i akademiske tiddskrifter. Han har gjort dyptpløyende feltarbeid i en rekke afrikanske land.
Ekspertise
Utdanning
2001 Dr.Polit. (Ph.D) i statsvitenskap, Universitetet i Oslo
1995 The CRE/Copernicus Seminar on Environmental Law
1994 Cand.Polit. i statsvitenskap, Universitetet i Oslo
Arbeidserfaring
2013- Seniorforsker, NUPI
2010-2012 Forskningssjef, Fafo Institutt for anvendte internasjonale studier as
2002-2010 Forsker, Fafo
Aktivitet
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Norsk utviklingspolitikk i en tid med klimaendringer og geopolitisk spenning
Denne strategiske satsningen har som hovedmål å bidra til at Utenriksdepartementet, Norad og andre aktører innenfor utviklingspolitikk skal få systematisk og relevant kunnskap om hvordan internasjonal...
Frukostseminar: EU i Sahel – frå gode intensjonar til Europa først?
Forskarar frå nokre av dei leiande institutta i verda har i eit treårig prosjekt sett nærare på kva for nokre lokale innverknader EUs kriserespons har hatt i områda der desse har funne stad, og korleis unionen kan forbetre responsmekanismane sine.
Mali's Religious Leaders and the 2018 Presidential Elections
Mali is by constitution a secular state, but here as elsewhere in the Sahel the role of religious leaders is increasing both in the social and the political sphere. This HYRES research brief explains how, why, and in what ways religious leaders tried to gain influence in the 2018 presidential campaign. While the research brief shows that there has been a fusion of politics and religion that can increase the political influence of Malian religious leaders, such engagement can also be a double-edged sword as Malians tend to see ‘politics as dirty’ and not a field that pious men of faith should get too deeply involved in.
Murer og andre tiltak mot irregulær migrasjon – er USAs tilnærming eigentleg så ulik den europeiske?
Under seminaret på Litteraturhuset 5. juni ser vi nærare på politikken USA og Europa førar langs sørlege grenser, og på kva konsekvensar dette har for naboland og migrasjonsstraumar.
Sunnism, Salafism, Sheikism: Urban Pathways of Resistance in Sidon, Lebanon
This brief analyses Salafism as an urban phenomenon, with an emphasis on the contentious period following the Syrian uprising turned civil war (2011–present). To understand Salafism’s popular appeal, it is necessary to examine the pathways of resistance in specific urban contexts. In Lebanon, Salafism expanded from its Tripoli centre to secondary towns and cities such as Sidon, where Sheikh Ahmad Assir’s neo-Salafism became a political force and can be classified as a “new social movement”. Neo-Salafism, is not built on religious credentials and authority, but combines populism with sectarianism. This also accounts for its popular appeal, especially after 2011, when the Syrian conflict stoked Sunni-Shia tensions and anti-Hizbollah rhetoric. The erosion of Sunni political pre-eminence (“Sunnism”) and the crises in the Sunni religious (Dar al-Fatwa) and political establishment (Future Movement), prompted a temporary shift from “Harirism” to “Sheikism” that transferred the moral leadership of the Sunni community from the political elite to the lay town preacher; Sheikh Ahmad al-Assir. This also involved a shift in the locus of contentious politics from the capital Beirut to secondary cities such as Sidon and a strategic shift from electoral politics to grassroots’ protests, sit-ins and rallies. Ultimately this led to an armed confrontation that crushed the Assir-movement, eroded its popular support and was followed by an electoral defeat that made political elites reassert control. HYRES – Hybrid Pathways to Resistance in the Islamic World HYRES studies the interaction between Islamist movements and the state in the cases of Iraq, Lebanon, Libya and Mali, and is designed to answer the following question: Why do some Islamist groups pursue their political and religious project within the state to which they belong – while other Islamist groups refuse to accept these borders, seeking instead to establish new polities, such as restoring the Islamic Caliphate?
Konstruert anarki: styring, konflikt og usikre eigedomsrettar i Bukavu, DR Kongo
Korleis kontrollerer kongolesiske styresmakter eigedomsretten i landet? Og kva er samanhengen mellom konflikt, eigedomsrett og landskontroll i enkelte område i DR Kongo?
AVLYST - Korleis kan EU bli betre på kriserespons?
Det NUPI-leidde og Horizon 2020-finansierte forskingsprosjektet EUNPACK blei nyleg avslutta. Kva følgjer har funna frå tre år med omfattande forsking og feltarbeid for EUs engasjement i ekstern kriserespons?
Mørke skyer over Mali
Massakren i Mali i mars representerer bare det foreløpige bunnpunktet i en pågående voldsspiral mellom ulike etniske grupper, skriver NUPI-forskerne Natasja Rupesinghe og Morten Bøås i denne kronikken fra Klassekampen.
EUNPACK Executive Summary of the Final Report & Selected Policy Recommendations. A conflict-sensitive unpacking of the eu comprehensive approach to...
Since adopting a ‘comprehensive approach’ to crisis management in 2013, the EU has spent considerable time and energy on streamlining its approach and improving internal coordina¬tion. New and protracted crises, from the conflict in Ukraine to the rise of Daesh in Syria and Iraq, and the refugee situation in North Africa and the Sahel, have made the improvement of external crisis-response capacities a top priority. But the implementation of the EU’s policies on the ground has received less scholarly and policy attention than the EU’s actorness and institutional capacity-building, and studies of implementation have often been guided primarily by a theoretical or normative agenda. The main objective of the EUNPACK project has been to unpack EU crisis response mecha¬nisms and provide new insights how they are being received and perceived on the ground by both local beneficiaries and other external stakeholders. By introducing a bottom–up perspective combined with an institutional approach, the project has tried to break with the dominant line of scholarship on EU crisis response that has tended to view only one side of the equation, namely the EU itself. Thus, the project has been attentive to the local level in target countries as well as to the EU level and the connections between them. The research has been conducted through an inductive and systematic empirical research combining competencies from two research traditions that so far has had little interaction, namely peace and conflict studies and EU studies. A key finding in our research is that while the EU has been increasingly concerned with horizontal lessons learnt, it needs to improve vertical lessons learnt to better understand the local dynamics and thus provide more appropriate responses.
Kva verktøy har EU til å handtere interne og eksterne utfordringar?
Dei siste åra har EU stått overfor fleire store utfordringar. Ekspertar møtest i Brussel for ein rundeborddiskusjon om kva verktøy unionen har for å løyse desse, og kva rolle EU kan spele i tida som kjem.