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There are very few BJP strongholds or Congress bastions in India. Data shows why

An important ongoing discussion in some political circles in India is whether the Election Commission should limit public access to the so-called Form 20 data, which reports the exact number of votes that each candidate receives in each polling booth in an election. The Form 20 data has been made available for the 2009 and the 2014 general elections, and also for the state elections held in recent years. The main reason offered by those who want to limit access to this data is that it is an important democratic principle that the vote is kept secret, and if the data reveals that most voters in a polling booth vote for the same party, it is no longer so secret how someone votes. This knowledge is important because it might allow powerful people to control the vote in a polling booth, undermining the freedom of the vote. Francesca R. Jensenius and colleagues discuss this in an op-ed published by The Print.

  • Asia
  • Styring
  • Asia
  • Styring
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Vitenskapelig artikkel

It’s a myth that 2014 election was exceptional in the vote share of winning candidates

Elections to the Lok Sabha are highly competitive. Indian politicians win with smaller margins than their counterparts in other countries with a similar electoral system, such as Canada and the United Kingdom. In a first-past-the-post electoral system, a candidate needs 50 per cent plus one vote to win the election if only two candidates compete for a seat. If there are three candidates who are equally strong, a winning candidate will need only one-third of the votes plus one additional vote. In India, usually a large number of candidates compete for each Lok Sabha seat, many of whom are non-serious. This makes it possible for several Indian politicians to get elected with a very low vote share. And, this may have important implications for their legitimacy and accountability as people’s representatives.

  • Asia
  • Styring
  • Asia
  • Styring
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Vitenskapelig artikkel

Political parties dominate India’s national elections, not candidates

A common perception regarding Indian politics is that it is the candidate, and not the party, who wins the elections. This makes it important for parties to pick the “right” candidates, and parties in India do spend enormous effort in local consultations and identity arithmetic while choosing who to allocate party tickets to. The belief that candidates win or lose elections has also led to many more independent candidates throwing their hat into the electoral arena. How do these independent candidates fare? In this piece, the writers show the impressive growth over time in the number of candidates, particularly independent candidates, standing for the elections, but also that there is a very small likelihood of an independent candidate actually winning a parliamentary seat. Parties dominate India’s national elections.

  • Asia
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  • Asia
  • Styring
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Vitenskapelig artikkel

3 charts challenge lazy thinking on voter turnout and its link to literacy & urbanisation

India is known for a fairly high election turnout, but who turns out to vote in India, and why? In our last article, we discussed how constituency size, organisational networks, and social pressures may play a role in influencing voter turnout. Two other factors are commonly cited as having an impact on turnout: literacy and urbanisation. Our findings suggest that the impact of overall education levels and urbanisation on voter turnout in India may be more nuanced than what political observers have traditionally believed.

  • Asia
  • Styring
  • Asia
  • Styring
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Vitenskapelig artikkel

Why voters don’t turn up in larger numbers in Lok Sabha elections – all politics is local

Historically, national elections in India have had an average voter turnout of about 60 per cent, but there have been massive differences in turnout both across India and across different elections. Voter turnout is important for the legitimacy of democratic elections, and Indian elections are known for their high turnout. It is also crucial in determining who wins an election because the party preferences of those who vote occasionally are probably different from the party preferences of those who vote each time. There is great variation in voter turnout in India across constituencies and over time. This study shows that the size of the constituency also seems to have a large bearing on voter turnout.

  • Asia
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  • Asia
  • Styring
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Vitenskapelig artikkel

This data shows why Indian MPs don’t truly represent their people

As the national elections of 2019 draw close, and incumbents prepare to face voters again, a straightforward question follows: how many people does a Member of Parliament really represent? On average, an Indian parliamentarian today represents constituencies with more than 1.5 million or 15 lakh eligible voters, or close to 2.5 million or 25 lakh citizens. This is more than the population of over 50 countries across the world and almost four times the number of citizens a Member of Parliament represented in the first Indian election in 1952. The sheer size of the electorate that each MP is supposed to represent may be seriously undermining representative democracy in India.

  • Asia
  • Styring
  • Asia
  • Styring
Arrangement
10:00 - 11:30
NUPI
Engelsk
Arrangement
10:00 - 11:30
NUPI
Engelsk
2. mai 2019
Arrangement
10:00 - 11:30
NUPI
Engelsk

Frukostseminar: Kva skal vi gjere med cybertrusler?

Michael Sulmeyer, direktør for Belfer Center's Cyber Project, kjem til NUPI for å diskutere cybertryggleik og internasjonal politikk.

Arrangement
14:30 - 16:00
NUPI
Engelsk
Arrangement
14:30 - 16:00
NUPI
Engelsk
14. mai 2019
Arrangement
14:30 - 16:00
NUPI
Engelsk

Etterforskinga av Russland og Georgia etter krigen i 2008

Kva er konsekvensane av Den etterforskinga til internasjonale straffedomstolen av Russland og Georgia?

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Vitenskapelig artikkel

Veivalg og spenninger i norsk sikkerhetspolitikk: Norges forhold til NATO og EU

Norges sikkerhetspolitiske orientering har vært solid plantet i NATO-medlemskapet og det tette bilaterale samarbeidet med USA siden 1950-tallet. Parallelt har EU med jevne mellomrom også stått på den norske sikkerhetspolitiske dagsorden. Norsk sikkerhetspolitikk har vært preget av en rekke spenninger og veivalg i avveiningen mellom den transatlantiske og den europeiske pillaren, og der utviklingen av EUs felles sikkerhets- og forsvarspolitikk og USAs skiftende utenrikspolitikk har stått sentralt. Artikkelen drøfter også hvilke nye utfordringer og samarbeidsmuligheter vi ser konturene av i en tid der etablerte institusjoner og samarbeidsmønstre utfordres av en mer omskiftelig sikkerhetspolitisk situasjon, det globale maktskiftet fra Vesten til Asia, geopolitisk rivalisering, anti-liberale strømninger, og økt motstand mot EU.

  • Forsvar
  • Sikkerhetspolitikk
  • NATO
  • Utenrikspolitikk
  • Europa
  • Norden
  • Internasjonale organisasjoner
  • Forsvar
  • Sikkerhetspolitikk
  • NATO
  • Utenrikspolitikk
  • Europa
  • Norden
  • Internasjonale organisasjoner
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Vitenskapelig artikkel

Illiberalism, geopolitics, and middle power security: Lessons from the Norwegian case

Middle powers have played a key role in supporting global governance, a rules-based order, and human rights norms. Apart from conveying and effectuating global solidarity and responsibility, multilateral cooperation has been an arena where middle powers seek protection and leverage relatively modest power to greater effect, sometimes as “helpful fixers” to great powers. This article argues that geopolitical revival and the contestation of the liberal order are challenging middle powers' traditional sheltering policies, based on empirical evidence from the Norwegian case. First, the weakening of multilateral organizations is making middle powers more vulnerable to great power rivalry and geopolitics, and Norway's relationship with Russia is particularly pointed. Second, existing shelters such as NATO and bilateral cooperation with the US are negatively affected by the latter's anti-liberal foreign policies, making looser sheltering frameworks important supplements. While Norway's and other middle powers' traditional policies within the “soft power” belt may continue, “doing good” may become less prioritized, due to the need for security.

  • Sikkerhetspolitikk
  • NATO
  • Internasjonale organisasjoner
  • Sikkerhetspolitikk
  • NATO
  • Internasjonale organisasjoner
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