Publikasjoner
Words and Deeds : Russian Foreign Policy and Post-Soviet Secessionist Conflicts
[Abstract] The goal of this report is to examine Russia’s policy towards secessionist conflicts in the post-Soviet space. In order to better understand Russia’s policy choices in that sphere, the report addresses three key issues: the internal Russian debate on separatism as a security challenge in the post-Soviet space; Moscow’s policies with regard to international institutions, regimes and frameworks; and the rising security agenda of international terrorism. The report is divided into five sections. The first chapter briefly outlines the scope of the study. The second chapter presents a theoretical framework used to address the issue of Russian policy towards the secessionist conflicts. The third chapter contains a detailed case study of Russian policy towards the secessionist conflict between Moldova and Transdniester. The fourth analyses Russia’s policy towards the conflicts between Abkhazia and Georgia and South Ossetia and Georgia, while the fifth chapter presents authors’ conclusions. The theoretical framework chosen by the authors of this study derives from two major schools in IR theory – the liberal-institutional one, and the constructivist one. On the one hand they raise the traditional neo-liberal question of the validity of institutions in international relations; on the other hand they ask how the ability of institutional frameworks to address various problems is affected by the identities of the actors who interact in the institutional arena. The report addresses the issue of Russian policy towards the secessionist conflicts in the post-Soviet space designed and implemented by President Vladimir Putin’s administration. It departs from the OSCE Istanbul Summit in 1999, where agreements on the withdrawal of Russian forces from both Moldova and Georgia were reached. According to the Istanbul Pact, Russia was to withdraw its forces from these two countries in line with the CFE Treaty. At the same time, however, Russia has been playing an active part in the international community’s attempt at finding a viable solution to secessionist conflicts in the same areas. The report analyses how the Putin administration has framed the issue of secessionist conflicts and separatism in statements and doctrines and how this has influenced Russia’s policy towards the conflicts themselves and towards the institutions that are actively involved in the work on conflict resolution. In the authors view, Russia has since the early 1990s pursued an inconsistent and incoherent policy towards the separatist conflicts in the post-Soviet space. After having recognized the importance of separatism as a security challenge and threat within Russia and within the post-Soviet space, Russia has however chosen not to translate this approach into a viable and coherent policy towards these conflicts. Instead of pursuing a policy of unambiguous support for the territorial integrity of the states haunted by secessionist conflicts, Russia seems to have adopted a policy of playing the separatist card for its own purposes and has sought to maximize its geopolitical gains and retain some control in the areas that it deems important for the realization of its partly outdated geopolitical strategy. This policy may yield some short-term geopolitical gains, but in the longer term it may undermine Russia’s credibility as a predictable and serious international partner, as a ‘normal’ great power seeking its own new place on the recently redrawn global power map.
European Identity and Its Changing Others
Taking its clue from Finnish experiences with identity politics, this lecture introduces the concept of collective identity. Collective identity is about forging an acting ‘we’. It constitutes the polis, and is therefore basic to any politics. Constituting the polis is a relational act: the group in question constitutes itself by drawing up and maintaining boundaries towards other groups. Drawing on these insights, the bulk of the lecture discusses European identity in term of Europe’s relations to some of its constituting others. Pointing to the importance of not sealing itself off from its Muslim citizens and neighbours, the lecture ends with a plea for Turkish EU membership.
The political economy of Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR)
Selective literature review and preliminary agenda for research: Recent insights on war economies have important implications for disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR). This paper identifies an underlying dilemma of DDR: on the one hand, in order to convince warring factions to commit to peace, DDR strategies will have to offer significant incentives that in turn may entrench the factions’ economic and political standing. On the other hand, offering the armed factions important peacetime roles may jeopardise post-war economic reconstruction, perpetuate cycles of underdevelopment and risk entrenching instability. It is argued in the paper that while more insights are needed on how DDR can be improved, it is equally important to go one step further and identify the positive as well as negative consequences for the economy, the market and the state when attempts at comprehensive disarmament and reintegration of combatants are undertaken. The paper discusses key findings from the literature on political economy of armed conflict and suggests possible directions for new research.
Norges bistand til urfolk : En realitetsorientering
Denne rapporten ser nærmere på norsk bistand til urfolk. Rapporten tar utgangspunkt i Norads statistiske database over de prosjekter som har rapportert urfolk som hovedmålgruppe i perioden 1999–2005. Databasen viser omfanget av det som rapporteres som urfolksbistand, samt fordeling på kanaler (organisasjonstyper) og geografiske områder. For å vurdere om statistikken gjenspeiler reell støtte til urfolk, har vi sett nærmere på arkivdokumentasjonen for et utvalg av disse prosjektene. Arkivutvalget er på 228 prosjekter og representerer nesten 50 % av de utbetalte midlene i hele perioden, og utgjør altså rundt 935 millioner kroner. I denne arkivgjennomgangen har vi bare funnet dokumentasjon på at 19 % av midlene i utvalget kan sies å være støtte til urfolk. Dette utvalget representerer 174 millioner kroner, mens de resterende 761 millioner kronene enten er feilkategorisert, uklart definert eller dreier seg om prosjekter der det ikke ble funnet dokumentasjon. Hvis man ser bort fra de midlene som har gått til prosjekter hvor det ikke ble funnet dokumentasjon i arkivene (tilsvarende 363 millioner), utgjør dokumentert urfolksbistand 30,5 prosent av totalen på 571 millioner kroner. Det er altså antakelig et stort misforhold mellom de tallene som oppgis for urfolksstøtte og realiteten. I kartleggingen har vi ikke benyttet strenge kriterier for hva som regnes som urfolksbistand. Det betyr at tallene som presenteres i denne rapporten, i seg selv urovekkende nok, kan sees på som et «best case scenario». I verste fall kan den virkelige tilstanden i norsk urfolksbistand være verre. På denne bakgrunnen anbefales en større gjennomgang av urfolksstøtten slik at den kan kvalitetssikres og gjenspeile politiske prioriteringer og målsetninger. Tilgang til arkivdokumentasjon er en svært omfattende og tidkrevende prosess, og dokumentasjonen er mangelfull og spredt. Det er dermed en stor utfordring å etterprøve de statistiske tallene for utviklingsstøtten. Med bakgrunn i dette anbefales det at rapporteringssystemet for urfolksbistand kvalitetssikres bedre. Rapporten peker også på at bistandsapparatet opererer med kategoriseringer av urfolk og urfolksbistand som ikke er klare nok, dette gjelder særlig begrepet «integrert urfolksstøtte».
Den stora segern fyller 60 : Segerdag, symbolåtervinning och ett förlorat fosterland
Uppsatsen handlar om firandet av 60-årsjubileet av andra världskrigets slut i Ryssland våren 2005. Den så kallade segerdagen som firas den 9 maj är en av landets största högtider. Uppsatsens huvudintresse är hur bilden av andra världskriget och den sovjetiska segern finns i offentligheten i dag och används i en konstruktion av dagens Ryssland. Uppsatsen bygger på material insamlat under fältarbete i S:t Petersburg våren 2005, samt en analys av artiklar i några av Rysslands största dagstidningar. Uppsatsen fokuserar på hur man firar, men också på vad som sägs om firandet och kriget. Hur identitetsfrågor, historia och nutid presenteras i vad som kan kallas en offentlig diskurs undersöks. I firandet har Sovjetunionen, som en av segrarmakterna i andra världskriget, en viktig roll, trots att landet sedan 15 år inte längre existerar. I uppsatsen undersöks vilken roll Sovjetunionen och sovjetiska symboler har i dagens ryska nationsbyggnadsprocess, med avseende på hur andra världskriget används. Militärparader, segertåg med veteraner och storslagna fyrverkerier hörde till firandet 2005. Firandet är till största delen offentligt till sin karaktär, även om det är en dag som också firas privat. Offentligheten i firandet tar sig uttryck på flera olika sätt. Mängder av affischer och banderoller sätts upp på strategiska ställen i staden, det är i stadsrummet som själva firandet äger rum. Dessutom finns en massiv medierapportering. Delar av firandet direktsänds i tv, och alla nyhetsmedier rapporterar. Bilden av kriget är enhetlig som den uttrycks i firandet och genom de artiklar som undersöks i uppsatsen. Dock är vissa delar av historien omtvistad, och det finns hot mot Den stora berättelsen om kriget. Detta tas upp i rapporteringen, men beskrivs som kommande utifrån. Den största delen av tidningsartiklarna utgörs av veteraners berättelser från kriget. Dessa ger trots enskildheter i detaljer, en mycket samstämmig bild av kriget och stödjer Den stora berättelsen om kriget som är den samma nu som under sovjettiden.
Implementing Human Rights Norms : A Case Study of Russia's Partial Compliance to ECHR Protocol No. 6
In December 1991, Russia started down the road of its post-Soviet existence. The re-emergence of Russia as a separate, independent entity compelled the state to come to terms with its revived national identity. Russia’s relationship with the West lay at the core of the challenge to define what Russia is and how it should relate to the outside world. Opinion divided over whether Russia should rapidly integrate with Europe and “return to the civilized community of nations” or whether it should seek “a strengthening of Russia’s positions in the East” and rather pursue its unique mission as a mediator between the East and West. Against this backdrop I have analysed Russia’s membership in the Council of Europe (CoE) and Russia’s partial compliance to the European Convention on the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR) Protocol No. 6, which refer to the abolishment of the death penalty in peacetime. Employing constructivist insights, I argue that this partial compliance is explained by the lack of a coherent and widely accepted national identity. Due to different perceptions of Russia’s identity among various state actors, identities collide, and interests, and consequently action, will be in a competing and conflictual relationship to each other. Thus, norm compliance is challenged when identities overlap and their norms conflict. This, I argue, is evident in Russia’s relationship with the European ideational community and the country’s dealing with the death penalty issue. The more Russian state actors value the European identity of their state, the more they will seek to comply with “European” norms, such as the strong European abolitionist norm, and vice versa. In my analysis, I also discuss whether it is right to completely dismiss rational explanations to Russia’s partial compliance. In this way I bring my case into the midst of the rational–constructivist debate in International Relations theory. Contributing to this debate, I investigate whether an either-or approach is the most productive way of explaining Russia’s ideational behaviour or whether rational and constructivist assumptions combined may shed new light on how to understand Russian compliance with international human rights norms or the lack of such.
Utenlandsinvesteringer i fiskeri- og havbruksnæringen - resultater fra en spørreundersøkelse
Notatet gjengir en undersøkelse blant norske fiskeribedrifters investeringer i utlandet. Undersøkelsen er basert på dybdeintervjuer med 10 bedrifter. Bedriftene omfatter store konsern og små bedrifter innenfor flere deler av fiskerisektoren. Svarene i undersøkelsen peker i retning av at markedsadgang er et vesentlig motiv for norske fiskeribedrifters investeringer i andre land. I noen sammenhenger er dette kombinert med motiver om billig arbeidskraft og om tilgang til fiskeressurser. Undersøkelsen viser også at bedrifter både driver oppkjøp av eksisterende bedrifter og investeringer i ny produksjon. Teknologiske faktorer, som at norske bedrifter er spesielt konkurransedyktige på sine felt, bidrar også til investeringer i andre land. I fiskerisektoren er politiske reguleringer mer omfattende enn i mange andre næringer. Derfor skjer utenlandsinvesteringer i denne næringen i hovedsak innenfor oppdrett og fiskeforedling, og i mindre grad i fiske. Det norske virkemiddelapparatet for norsk næringsliv har bare i begrenset grad hatt betydning for de bedriftene som har deltatt i undersøkelsen.
Child soldiers: Reasons for variation in their rate of recruitment and standards of welfare
Why do some children voluntarily join while other children are forced to join military organization in situations of conflict, and why do the organizations recruit them? How is the actual number of children determined? These are the questions raised in this paper. To address them the author draws on results and ideas from three independent lines of research; One dealing with child labour in general, another with the study of conflicts and the third with children’s decision-making powers based on child psychology.
Review of the Norwegian Program for Indigenous Peoples in Guatemala
The present review was commissioned in order to assess how the current project portfolio of the Norwegian Indigenous Peoples Program in Guatemala corresponds to the approved strategy, and to develop more concrete recommendations for the implementation of this strategy. The review concludes that while this strategy continues to be valid, it has not been followed in the selection of partner organizations and projects supported. A number of the projects fall completely outside of the thematic areas of the strategy, and as a whole the portfolio appears fragmented and unfocused. Recommendations include tighter adherence to the thematic concentration of the strategy, closer attention to the potential for having strategic impacts when selecting partner organizations, and the introduction of multiyear funding for the stronger of these organizations.
Trade Openness and Economic Growth : Do Institutions Matter?
Do lower policy-induced barriers to international trade promote economic growth in countries with poorly developed institutions? Several studies have found a general and positive relationship between trade openness and growth on average, but many of them are marred by methodological shortcomings and considerable unexplained variation in the results. I propose that good institutions of conflict management are a contingent and mediating factor that can help to explain data heterogeneity. Without such institutions, countries that integrate with world markets become vulnerable to external shocks, possibly unleashing domestic conflicts and uncertainty detrimental to growth. This hypothesis is given empirical support by analysing an interaction variable between openness and institutions, integrated in a growth regression for a sample of 94 countries. The interaction variable is positive, significant and robust to a standard list of control variables. For countries with the least developed institutions of conflict management, greater openness is ceteris paribus found to reduce growth rates. The results reveal the inadequacies of a ‘one size fits all’ approach to trade liberalisation, and indicate that complementary institutional reforms may be necessary if a country is to reap the full growth effects of openness.