Forsker
Mathilde Tomine Eriksdatter Giske
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Sammendrag
Mathilde er forskningsassistent i Forskningsgruppen for forsvar og sikkerhet, og jobber med prosjektet «Re-Engaging with Neighbours in a State of War and Geopolitical Tensions».
Mathilde er også doktorgradsstipendiat ved Universitetet i Oslo, hvor hun jobber med EU og ekstern demokratisering av EUs naboer. Hun har en mastergrad i statsvitenskap og en mastergrad i historie, begge fra Universitetet i Agder.
Hun har tidligere jobbet som forskningsassistent på prosjekter relatert til Europeisk sikkerhet og utenrikspolitikk. I tillegg jobbet hun som rådgiver for forskningsgruppen for fred, konflikt og utvikling relatert til Norges sete i FNs Sikkerhetsråd.
Ekspertise
Utdanning
Pågående Doktorgradsstipendiat, Universitetet i Oslo
2018-2020 Master i statsvitenskap, Universitetet i Agder
2018-2020 Master i historie, Universitetet i Agder
Arbeidserfaring
2022 Doktorgradsstipendiat, Universitet i Oslo
2021-2022 Ekstern rådgiver til Utenriksdepartementet, NUPI
2020-2021 Forskningsassistent, NUPI
Aktivitet
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European Actorness in a Shifting Geopolitical Order. European Strategic Autonomy Through Differentiated Integration
Det siste tiåret har den globale geopolitiske konteksten endret seg betydelig, med et geopolitisk maktskifte og et mer selvhevdende Russland og Kina. Med Russlands uprovoserte invasjon av Ukraina, har europeisk sikkerhet fått en sentral rolle. Implikasjonene av Russlands invasjon er mange og vanskelig å fullt forstå rekkevidden av. Men behovet for mer strategisk autonomi i Europa er stort. Men hvordan kan dette oppnås på kort sikt? Svaret på dette er ofte at dette er umulig og kun kan oppnås på lang sikt. Denne bokens mål er å presentere et annet perspektiv. Målet er å vise at det bør være mulig å gjøre mest mulig ut av det nåværende europeiske systemet hvis vi justerer vår oppfatning av hvordan det fungerer. Boken argumenterer for at strategisk autonomi kan skje — også på kort sikt — hvis differensiert integrasjon ses på som en fordel, heller enn en utfordring. Mens EU vil fortsette å være kjernen i et sånt system (sammen med NATO på det militære domenet), er det en rekke andre (bilaterale og multilaterale) regionale og subregionale integrasjonsprosesser som må tas med i beregningen når en skal få et fullstendig bilde av hvordan europeisk strategisk autonomi kan oppnås. Denne boken starter med et teoretisk rammeverk for hvordan man kan studere europeisk "actorness" utover EU. Deretter blir dette rammeverket brukt både på EUs utvikling som en utenrikspolitisk aktør og mekanismene for EU-utvidelse. Denne boken er open access.
Re-Engaging with Neighbours in a State of War and Geopolitical Tensions (RE-ENGAGE)
RE-ENGAGEs skal hjelpe EU med å styrke sin utenrikspolitiske verktøykasse, inkludert utvidelses- og naboskapspolitikken. Dette vil styrke unionens geopolitiske innflytelse og gi den bedre verktøy for ...
European Actorness in a Shifting Geopolitical Order. European Strategic Autonomy Through Differentiated Integration
This is an open access book. Over the past decade, the global geopolitical context has changed significantly, with a geopolitical power shift and a more assertive Russia and China. With the unprovoked Russian invasion of Ukraine, European security has been put on high alert. The implications of the Russian military invasion are many and difficult to grasp in full. But the need for greater European strategic autonomy appears increasingly evident. But how can this be achieved in the short run? The answer to this question is often that it is impossible and that this can only be achieved in the long run. The aim of this book is to present a different perspective. It aims at showing that it should be possible to make the most out of the current European system if we adjust our understanding of how it works. The book argues that strategic autonomy may be reached—also in the short run—if differentiated integration is seen as an asset rather than a challenge. While the EU remains the core in such a system (together with NATO in the military domain), there is a multitude of other (bilateral and minilateral) regional and sub-regional integration processes that need to be taken into account to get the full idea of how European strategic autonomy can be achieved. This book starts by presenting a theoretical framework for how to study European actorness beyond the EU, then this framework will be applied both to the development towards the EU as a foreign policy actor through the mechanisms of enlargement.
Working paper on the implementation of the EU’s policies
This working paper builds on earlier research in which we mapped and analysed the toolbox of the European Union (EU) and a handful of European countries by providing a comprehensive overview of existing measures aimed at counter-terrorism (CT) and preventing violent extremism (PVE) within and outside the EU. It listed the institutional setup, the decision-making processes, and co-ordinating practices at both the EU and state levels. In addition to an analysis of CT and PVE strategies at the level of EU institutions, the toolbox of four EU member states (Germany, France, Ireland, Spain) and one former member state (UK) was unpacked because of their particular experiences with and competences in the area of prevention of violent extremism. Overall, our research found that the PVE agenda is quite a recent phenomenon in most member states and principally aims at preventing violent Islamist extremism through community engagement. The UK has been a pioneer in developing a ‘prevent’ pillar as part of its 2003 CT strategy and has since then actively contributed to the development of an EUlevel PVE framework. This EU framework has in turn pushed other member states, such as Ireland and Spain, to develop their own national PVE strategies in recent years. While Germany has also over the past decade made significant strides in preventing involvement in extremism and has brought its national practices to the EU level, France has generally favoured a more securitized than preventive approach. The present working paper takes the research one step further by looking more closely at the implementation of adopted PVE measures and practices in the EU and the abovementioned key states, both domestically as well as vis-à-vis the Western Balkans and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. As such, we present a more evaluative overview geared towards identifying best practices and lessons learned in this field. The paper not only focuses on how policy is implemented and followed up, but also assesses the EU’s experiences in co-operating with member states and vice versa. In doing so, the research tries to take on board key recent developments, in particular in France and at the EU level, in response to a new series of terrorist attacks that took place in Paris, Nice, and Vienna between the end of October and mid-November 2020. The research builds on a set of in-depth interviews with PVE officials and practitioners within the EU and national administrations.
Policy brief on the implementation of the EU’s policies
Violent extremism is not a new phenomenon and terrorism has a long history in Europe, often linked to separatist movements, anarchism, and far-right and far-left extremism. The trends, means, and patterns of radicalization have evolved rapidly since the Arab uprisings flared exactly a decade ago. Counter-terrorism (CT) and preventing violent extremism (PVE) strategies have developed alongside these trends at the national and supranational level. In the wake of a series of Jihad-inspired terror attacks in Spain, France, Germany, Belgium, the UK, and elsewhere, European Union (EU) member states ramped up their military campaigns against the Islamic State (ISIS, aka Daesh) and al-Qaeda in Syria and Iraq. But since the fall of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS), governments’ interest in fighting terrorism in the Middle East has decreased. Nevertheless, some European countries remain on the front foot in their securitized PVE approach. Although there is no apparent connection between the anti-jihad war waged by the French army in Mali and the radicalization in France, the government is calling for more support from European countries to fight against jihadi movements in the Sahel. But the appetite for costly expeditionary campaigns is decreasing. By and large, the phenomenon of violent extremism is perceived as homegrown. And whereas large differences remain in individual countries’ approaches to tackling the challenges posed by violent extremism, it has nevertheless become increasingly clear that today’s security challenges – whether it is terrorism, organized crime, cyberattacks, disinformation, or other evolving cyber-enabled threats – are shared threats that require a transnational approach. Indeed, Europe as a whole faces new security issues and specific challenges for preventive work that (lone) actors and (returning) foreign terrorist fighters raise, while the internet and social media give extremist and terrorist groups and their sympathisers new opportunities for spreading their propaganda, mobilization, and communication. It is against this changed backdrop that this policy brief asks what lessons the EU can learn from best practices identified at the national level, and in the co0ordination efforts with the supranational institutions.
Hvordan kan EU fremme demokrati i Øst-Europa og på Vest-Balkan?
Re-imagining African—Nordic relations in a changing global order
This study asks how the special relationship between countries in Africa and the Nordic region may be affected by a changing global order, that the African-Nordic cooperation can continue to evolve and remain relevant for both regions. The meeting in Helsinki on 14 June 2022 is the 20th meeting of the forum of African–Nordic Foreign Ministers. The forum was established in 2000 between five Nordic countries and ten African countries. It was intended to emphasize the political importance of Africa and to demonstrate that Africa–Nordic relations went beyond development cooperation. The forum meets alternately and rotates among African and Nordic countries and African hosts have included Benin, Botswana, Mozambique, Nigeria, South Africa and Tanzania. The number of African countries expanded over time and now numbers around 25. The annual meeting is an opportunity to consolidate the special relationship between African and Nordic countries and creates a space where political issues of mutual concern can be discussed. As such, it has helped to broaden the African–Nordic relations beyond development cooperation and towards a more politically-oriented and interest-based strategic partnership. Beyond the annual foreign ministers meeting, the other aspect the report looks into is what the sum-total of African-Nordic bilateral relations in the areas of trade, development, peace and security and multilateral cooperation reveals about the status of the overall relationship. Africa pursues strategic partnerships that helps it to develop and strengthen the continent’s economic potential, political identity, and its role on the global stage. In this study we pay particular attention to Africa’s relationship with China, Europe, India, Russia and Turkey. One of the dominant features of Africa’s international relations has been its non-alignment. African countries have been careful to seek partnerships with many different states and regions, without being pulled into any one alliance that may prevent it from also gaining support for its development from others. Therefore, in its strategic partnerships, African countries seeks engagements that will help it to grow its economies.
European defence beyond institutional boundaries: Improved European defence through flexibility, differentiation and coordination
Som et svar på den endrede geopolitiske situasjonen er det tatt initiativer for å styrke det europeiske forsvaret i NATO, i EU, men også bi- og multilateralt mellom EUs medlemsland og assosierte ikke-medlemmer, som Norge. Denne policy-briefen argumenterer for at alle disse prosessene må tas i betraktning når vi ønsker å måle Europas fulle sikkerhets- og forsvarskapasitet. Snarere enn et tegn på fragmentering forbereder de grunnen for en ny europeisk forsvarsarkitektur, preget av høy grad av fleksibilitet, som til slutt kan være bedre tilpasset dagens sikkerhetskontekst. For å maksimere effekten av denne differensierte forsvarsarkitekturen er det imidlertid nødvendig med en viss koordinering mellom de ulike initiativene. Det er nå et vindu med mulighet for slik koordinering, ettersom to nøkkelprosesser nå kjører parallelt: utviklingen av et nytt «strategisk konsept» for NATO og utviklingen av et «strategisk kompass» i EU. Hvis dette lykkes, kan vi håpe på utviklingen av et mer fleksibelt og dyktig europeisk forsvar.