Forsker
Andrew E. Yaw Tchie
Kontaktinfo og filer
Sammendrag
Andrew E. Yaw Tchie er seniorforsker i Forskningsgruppen for fred, konflikt og utvikling. På NUPI arbeider han med stabilisering, fredsoperasjoner, fredsbygging og sikkerhetsassistanse i Afrika sør for Sahara. Han koordinerer også Training for Peace-programmet.
Tchie er gjesteprofessor ved University of Buckingham, gjesteforsker ved Kings College London og forsker i bistilling ved Royal United Services Institute.
Ekspertise
Utdanning
2018 Doktorgrad, Department of Government, University of Essex
2013 Mastergrad, Conflict Resolution and Peace. Department of Government, University of Essex, Colchester
2011 Mastegrad, Politic and Communication, University of London, London
2006 Bachelorgrad, University of Sussex, United Kingdom (Broadcasting Research)
Arbeidserfaring
2020- Seniorforsker og koordinator for Training for Peace-programmet, NUPI
2020- Forsker i bistilling, Afrika, The Royal United Services Institute (RUSI)
2020- Gjesteprofessor Dept. of Humanities Research Institute, University of Buckingham
2020- Seniorforsker for Africa Security og Obasanjo Fellow, The Royal United Services Institute (RUSI)
2018-2020 Redaktør for Armed Conflict Database og forsker, The International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS)
2018-2020 Gjesteseniorforsker, Centre for Conflict and Health, Kings College London
2017-2018 Konfliktrådgiver, Research and Policy team, Syria Relief
2015-2017 Civil Affairs Officer, United Nation Mission in South Sudan
2015- Forsker i bistilling, University of Essex
2013-2015 Konfliktrådgiver og forsker, United Nations Development Program (Nepal)
2012- Feltforsker, Institute for Democracy and Conflict Resolution, University of Essex (Nepal)
2009-2010 Forsker, Commonwealth Secretariat
Aktivitet
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Tøm alle filtreHow Do Ad-Hoc Security Initiatives Fit in Africa’s Evolving Security Landscape?
Over the last two decades, places like the Sahel, Lake Chad Basin, Somalia, eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and Northern Mozambique have experienced a rise (and in some cases, a resurgence) of groups that use violence to challenge the state. Often termed “rebel groups,” some, like the M23 in eastern DRC, fit the rebel model. But many others take the form of violent extremist insurgencies that mix insurgent tactics with criminal activities, such as banditry and the illicit trading of goods, drugs, money, and natural resources. What both have in common is the use of violence to pursue political and economic objectives related to long-standing center-periphery grievances, and economic and political marginalization.
Nomads and Warlords, Chadian Forces in African Peace Operations
Despite criticism of the United Nations (UN) as peacekeepers “hiding behind sandbags,” by the former president of Chad, the Chadian military has become a critical enabler of African-led and UN peace operations. This paper posits that the effectiveness of the Chadian forces stems from refined and modified nomad and warlord structures and attributes used during Chad’s various conflicts to build and improve its national army. This has allowed the Chadian regime to exercise and project power, thus, producing one of Africa’s most effective forces for current conflicts and challenges. Thus, Chad’s military leadership reflects a trend of states that use military prowess to project force, while maintaining international partnerships with permanent members of the unsc (the US and France), UN peacekeeping missions and African ad hoc security initiatives. Finally, the paper examines the implications of this trend for the evolving nature of African Peace and Security Architecture.
Criticism of the UK’s Rwanda Policy Misrepresents African Agency
While much of the controversy around the UK–Rwanda partnership is understandable, African perspectives are too often missing from the debate.
Analysis: The military's ambitions dash Sudan's hopes for democracy... Who is to blame, and will the conflict end?
Opinions are divided about who is to blame for the current conflict in Sudan. Is it Al-Bashir for his reliance on armed groups? Or is it the civilian-military structure of the former Sudanese government that concentrated power in the hands of the military? Mother of the West, who failed to impose sanctions on Al-Burhan and Hamidti when they staged a coup against the civilian government in October 2021.
Can Guinea return to civilian rule amidst the ongoing anti-junta protests?
Protests in Guinea have turned into a tragic display of violence. Despite efforts to suppress them, anti-government demonstrations in the West African nation persist, leading to clashes with security forces. The people's frustration mounts as military leaders, responsible for ensuring a return to democratic rule, fall short of their promises. How many more lives will be lost before a viable solution is found for the country's turmoil?
African-Led Peace Support Operations in a declining period of new UN Peacekeeping Operations
The United Nations is known to be the preeminent body to authorize and oversee international peacekeeping missions; however, new forms of African-led Peace Sup- port Operations (PSOs) are increasingly common, innovative, and context-specific. This paper examines the evolution of African-led PSOs and argues that African-led PSOs are filling a vacuum and taking on responsibilities once assumed by the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UN PKO). The paper posits that the rise of African- led PSOs is due to the growing need for security and respond to the changing nature of conflict, the spread of insecurity and terrorism, and cross-border violence. Finally, the paper explores the implications of these operations for future missions in Africa, arguing that the future of African-led PSOs may be the preferred choice, with Regional Economic Communities and Ad-hoc Security Initiatives leading the way.
Adapting the African Standby Force to Africa’s Evolving Security Landscape
Over the last decade Africa has experienced a resurgence of what used to be called rebels. In response a number of new types of operations have evolved.
Ad-hoc initiatives are shaking up African security
The growing threat of violent extremist groups and how these groups operate across borders has stimulated the emergence of a new type of security arrangement in Africa. These Ad-hoc arrangements are providing greater accountability and flexibility than more established security agreements, write Cedric de Coning and Andrew E. Yaw Tchie.
Klima, fred og sikkerhet i Afghanistan
Climate, Peace and Security Fact Sheet: Afghanistan
I et nytt oppdatert faktaark ser forskere fra NUPI and SIPRIs Climate-related Peace and Security Risks (CPSR) prosjekt på sammenhengen mellom klimaforandringer, fred og sikkerhet i Afghanistan. Afghanistan er svært sårbart for effektene av klimaendringer med hyppigere ekstremvær og temperaturøkninger langt over det globale gjennomsnittet. Disse faktorene, kombinert med arven etter fire tiår med krig, en kompleks humanitær nødsituasjon og en økonomisk krise siden Taliban tok over regjeringsmakten i august 2021, har økt sårbarheten til den afghanske befolkningen. •Klimarelaterte ekstremværhendelser og naturfarer truer afghanske levebrød, øker fattigdom og matusikkerhet, og eroderer motstandsdyktigheten til lokalsamfunn, husholdninger og enkeltpersoner. •Klimaendringer og miljøbelastninger bidrar til omfattende intern fordrivelse og endrede migrasjonsmønstre. Fordrivelse og rask urbanisering kan forverrre mat- og levebrødusikkerhet, legge ytterligere press på miljøressurser og øke sårbarheten til marginaliserte grupper, særlig kvinner og jenter. •I et sikkerhetslandskap som fortsatt er preget av tilstedeværelsen av væpnede aktører, kan klimaendringer øke risikoen for lokale konflikter om land- og vannressurser. •Fraværet av et inkluderende styresystem øker konkurransen over lokale naturressurser og konfliktrisikoen for marginaliserte sosiale grupper og kan forverre politisk og økonomisk ulikhet.