NUPI-podden #23: Hva mener norske velgere om utenrikspolitikk?
13. september skal befolkningen velge hvem som skal styre landet de neste fire åra. Men hva slags tillit har velgerne egentlig til de ulike partie...
NUPIpodden #24: Et styrt valg i Russland
Ikke overraskende kunne det regjerende partiet i Russland, Det forente Russland – også omtalt som Putins parti, erklære valgseier 20. september 20...
Revisiting the Case of Ethnography and International Relations
Denne artikkelen går tilbake til debatten om rollen til etnografi innen International Relations. Den gjør dette primært ved å belyse tre spenningspunkter i litteraturen om etnografi innen internasjonale relasjoner. For det første tar den opp utfordringene knyttet til å implementere etnografi etter de refleksive metodologiske utviklingene som har funnet sted innen sosialantropologi siden 1980-tallet. For det andre undersøker den hvordan man kan overvinne visse skala-relaterte spørsmål og hvordan man metodologisk kan konseptualisere det 'internasjonale'. Når man ser på problemstillinger som på en eller annen måte eksisterer og opererer på internasjonal skala, kan den etnografiske oppgaven med fordypning i lokale scener noen ganger virke som en uegnet tilnærming. Imidlertid hevder jeg at denne problematiseringen avhenger av en bestemt metodologisk forståelse av hva det internasjonale er. Jeg forsøker å formulere en alternativ metodologisk tilnærming som tar på alvor ideen om at internasjonale relasjoner alltid kan nås lokalt. Denne artikkelen antyder at en av hovedløsningene på skala-utfordringen er å metodologisk forlate forestillingen om totaliteter som et høyere nivå. På denne måten kan etnografi muliggjøre viktige forståelser av sosiale relasjoner som eksisterer på tvers av lokale og globale skalaer.
The EU’s international cyber and digital engagements
Digital omstilling blir en stadig viktigere prioritering for EU. Digital omstilling driver økonomisk vekst og muliggjør samfunnsutvikling. Likevel er ikke EUs digitale lederskap universelt anerkjent, ikke heller anerkjennes EUs evne til å levere på feltet. Enkelte stiller spørsmål ved EUs lederskap og visjon om en digital fremtid med mennesket i fokus og rettsstatsprinsipper i bunn. Samtidig begrenses EUs globale innflytelse av manglende evne til å levere på visse kritiske kapabiliteter innen digital- og cyberdomenet. Mens forventningene til EUs rolle har vokst, styres cyber- og digitalpolitikken fremdeles primært mellomstatlig. Denne policy briefen ser på EUs rammer for og implementering av sitt internasjonale cyber- og digitale engasjement ovenfor tredjeland. Hva driver samarbeidet og hva er de spesifikke verktøyene og mekanismene EU iverksetter? Policy briefen vurderer også implikasjoner for Norge.
Friendship in International Politics
I dagens internasjonale ordskifte snakkes det ofte om vennskap og 'spesielle bånd' mellom stater og deres ledere. Siden midten av 2000-tallet har en voksende forskningslitteratur argumentert for at vennskap mellom stater ikke bare kan eksistere, men slike vennskap kan også kan ha stor innvirkning i og på internasjonale politiske prosesser og utfall. Dette bidraget til Oxford Research Encyclopedia gir en innføring i og oversikt over sentrale bidrag til forskningen på vennskap i internasjonal politikk.
Putinisme – regimeideologi i det post-sovjetiske Russland
Hvordan kan vi forstå den post-sovjetiske ideologiske utviklingen i sammenheng med den russiske tradisjonen for politisk filosofi?
Norway’s strategic dependencies in global supply chain networks
Economic interdependence and global supply chains are being investigated anew. For a long time, a belief in the ability of growing economic ties to foster cooperation, dampen conflict, and enhance prosperity was predominant in academic and political thinking alike. However, these assumptions have recently proven to be half-truths at best. Rather than dampen conflict, the asymmetries of global supply chains have turned them into coercive tools for the powerful to wield against the powerless. Through sanctions and export controls, states controlling vital chokepoints in global economic networks can cause harm in targeted states, and through controlling the nodes of information highways, intelligence agencies can gain access to sensitive information by leveraging the key position of their domestic companies. For states with small, open economies, this development poses a thorny problem: the toolbox for realigning global supply chains is limited, but reliance on supply chains beyond national control is extensive. The problem is not limited to being in a position of dependence, however. For smaller states, being in control over global assets, or being a key provider of a product or resource others depend on can be a double-edged sword. As economic coercion becomes more widely deployed, the impetus for protecting and securing assets increases, and the risk that they might drag smaller states into geopolitical contests grows. Addressing these concerns, it is vital to develop tools, frameworks, and methodologies for assessing supply chains from a national perspective, with a focus on how economic interdependence might introduce geopolitical risks. Against this background, this report builds on recent theoretical and methodological developments for analyzing global supply chains in light of their potential for geopolitical weaponization. More precisely, it will study Norway’s position in global value chains by combining recent methodological developments on the network analysis of supply chains and recent analysis of country-level aggregated analysis of supply dependencies. This allows for a study of supply chains as networks of economic relations, in which the position of different national economies contains both strategic capacities, or assets, by being central suppliers on which other countries depend, and vulnerabilities, by depending heavily on other countries. The report thus uses network analysis to identify Norway’s positions and their related strategic vulnerabilities and assets. Link to the Annex for this report: https://www.nupi.no/publications/cristin-pub/annex-to-the-report-norway-s-strategic-dependencies-in-global-supply-chain-networks
Energy justice and energy democracy: Separated twins, rival concepts or just buzzwords?
Many new concepts have emerged to better capture socio-technical change in energy systems from a normative perspective. Two of the most visible, popularized, and politically charged are Energy Justice and Energy Democracy, but it is the tension between them that has drawn recent controversy. Instead of arguing for the superiority of one over the other, this paper's aim is to demonstrate their differential contribution and areas of productive overlap using both quantitative and qualitative measures. It presents the results of the systematic review of 495 articles on Energy Democracy and Energy Justice in the Web of Science database, with attention to the geographical focus, scale, technology, and social groups dominant in both literatures. We find that both the concepts and literatures employing them are very closely related, almost like twins. The key difference is the failure of the Energy Democracy literature to engage with questions of energy poverty and distributional (in)justice. For Energy Justice, we find that despite lip service paid to, for example, the Global South, normative research in energy transitions sphere remains highly Western-centric. We highlight, too, that both terms are most often used as buzzwords and that this undermines knowledge building and the radical potential for change which is inherent in the two concepts and their applications.
External Voting among Central European Migrants Living in Western Europe
Non-resident citizens’ participation in national elections is known as external voting. This report presents the first comparative dataset of external voting, both in parliamentary and presidential elections. We gathered voting results among migrants from nine Central and Eastern European countries, with the main analysis focusing on six where most data were available: Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland and Romania. The analysed countries of residence where diasporas cast their votes were Austria, Belgium, Germany, Denmark, Spain, Finland, France, Great Britain, Greece, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden (EU members) as well as two countries belonging to the European Economic Area (Norway and Iceland) and Switzerland. How different are external voting results from those seen in countries of origin? What are the ideological differences between voting migrants and the ‘mean’ voter back home, and to what extent does that matter? These are some of the questions the data gathered may help shed light on.
On the formation of content for 'political remittances': an analysis of Polish and Romanian migrants comparative evaluations of 'here' and 'there'
Migration may affect migrants’ ideas as they become exposed to different contexts over time. But how does such exposure and opportunities for comparative evaluation of origin and settlement contexts, translate into content for potential political remittances? To answer this question, we analyse 80 interviews with Polish and Romanian migrants living in Barcelona (Spain) and Oslo (Norway). Starting from the established ‘social remittances’, literature, our contribution is to unpack the process of their formation by focusing on what happens at the content-creation stage. We do so through analysis of migrants’ comparative evaluation of their ‘origin’ and ‘settlement’ contexts in regard to three explicitly political issues: corruption, public institutions and democracy. We analyse how exposure to, and comparative evaluation of, different contexts inform migrants’ views, and find non-linearity and inconsistency between migrant groups’ and in individuals’ own patterns of views. This underscores the salience of, first, recognising how the change that migration prompts in migrants’ outlooks may or may not be stronger than preceding political preferences, anchored in ongoing processes of (re)socialisation; and second, of better understanding how migration impacts migrants’ outlooks, by considering the specifics of exposure and comparative evaluation, whether or not ultimately articulated in forms traceable as ‘political remittances’.