Webinar: Ocean Governance: Sustainability and security seen from Japan and Europe
This webinar offers views on core ocean governance challenges and reflections on how to strengthen ocean-related cooperation from Japanese and European perspectives.
Nordic Cooperation: Drivers and constraints
Remarks at the seminar "Nordic cooperation amid pandemic travel restrictions"
Norwegian Gas in Europe in the 2020’s
This article examines the factors that will influence the position of the Norwegian gas on the market in the 2020’s. Starting with an examination of the historical role of Norway as a gas supplier to the EU, this article maps the role of various factors in shaping framework conditions on the European gas market that can influence the position of the Norwegian gas as an energy source. The main conclusion is that Norway will remain an important supplier of gas until 2030 but may face some serious problems to remain relevant after this date due to possible depletion of gas deposits and increased EU focus on the negative impact of fossil fuels on climate change, the development of a more sustainable energy mix in Europe as well as the emergence of new gas suppliers to Europe, first and foremost LNG that could take higher share of the shrinking gas market in Europe. Development of the cost-effective large-scale carbon capture and storage (CCS) technology could alleviate some energy transition related pains and make gas more acceptable as a source of energy, also if the development of hydrogen economy were to materialise. The Norwegian gas could be turned into an important input in green hydrogen, a new promising energy source combining the best of the two energy worlds—the fossil one and the green one.
Claudia Emilie Aanonsen
Claudia Emilie Aanonsen is a Doctoral Fellow at NUPI and part of the research group on Security and Defence. She was previously a Junior Research...
Trade, Trust, and De Facto State Conflicts: Abkhazia’s International Economic Engagement
Does trade really foster trust? In the case of conflict-torn regions, developing trade links is often believed to contribute to transforming conflict or even facilitate peacebuilding. However, when it comes to de facto states—states with no or limited international recognition—the relationship between the two may not be quite as straightforward. A closer look at Abkhazia, a de facto state in the contested neighborhood between Russia and the EU, shows that trade can thrive even in a post-conflict situation where mutual distrust is high. However, as long as trade occurs informally and in the shadows, it does not help in building trust at the state level.
Nordic cooperation amid pandemic travel restrictions
Since 2020, the Nordic countries have been confronted with the Covid-19 pandemic, which has been a multi-level stress test for the region. The strong basis of open borders and free movement in Nordic cooperation has been questioned by national pandemic measures, including wide travel restrictions. The Nordic dimension to pandemic responses has largely been missing, the trust between the countries has arguably been put to test and cross-border commuters have been subjected to differential treatment. Especially cross-border regions have suffered the consequences of travel restrictions, causing disruptions to work and private life. The report draws attention to the preparedness of the Nordic Region to jointly confront global crises. It explores the different strategies and travel restrictions adopted by four Nordic countries: Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. It also studies how Nordic cooperation functioned in a time of crisis. At the local level, it examines the economic, labour market and social implications for three cross-border regions, that is, Tornedalen, Svinesund and Öresund. The report finds that while there is room for improvement in handling a crisis like the pandemic, there are diverging views on the desirability to have all-Nordic approaches to situations affecting national security. The consequences are, however, serious for free movement and the aim to become the most integrated region in the world.
Nordic partnership choices in a fierier security environment: Towards more alignment
Nordic states’ partnership choices in security and defence are more aligned than they were a decade ago. When Danish, Finnish, Norwegian and Swedish government officials now identify key security challenges and partners, and reflect on the potential for Nordic cooperation, they have the same reference points and use similar wording. Since 2014, the toolbox for Nordic defence cooperation has also solidified and different formal affiliations with NATO and the EU seem to matter less than before. Furthermore, an array of multi- and minilateral cooperation structures have emerged across and beyond the EU and NATO, expanding the possibilities for Nordic cooperation under a larger Euro-Atlantic umbrella. However, two limitations remain: First, Nordic security and defence cooperation still remains subordinate to and a supplement rather than an alternative to NATO. Second, putting Nordic response mechanisms into practice remains dependent not only on the context and issue at stake, but also on the political appetite of the individual Nordic governments to choose a Nordic solution.
Chinese digi-tech politics: Steering growth, spurring innovation, and reinforcing control
China is a growing digital technology (digi-tech) power and a leading provider of digi-tech resources internationally. China’s digi-tech growth is helping to create opportunities in other and developing countries, but it also stirring concern regarding digital security and the safeguarding of individual freedoms. Digi-tech is at the heart of the major power rivalry playing out between China and the USA. In this brief, we study the key drivers and main implications of Chinese digi-tech politics while also considering Norwegian digi-tech interests.