Review: Japan’s Security Renaissance: New policies and politics for the twenty-first century, By Andrew Oros (New York: Columbia University Press...
How should ASEAN deal with climate change?
Academics from NUPI and its sister institutes in 10 ASEAN countries have evaluated the implications of climate change for international affairs in Southeast Asia.
Nordens plass i Kinas nye æra?
Knapt året etter at norske myndigheter er ute av kineserens fryseboks har Xi Jinping nylig erklært til den 19 partikongressen at Kina er på vei inn i en ny epoke. Denne tredje epoken siden folkerepublikkens grunnleggelse, vil være den hvor Kina gjeninntar sin posisjon som global stormakt. Alle trender peker mot at verdens største økonomi snart vil være ikke-vestlig og ikke-demokratisk, for første gang siden Karl Johan var brödrafolkens konung. Hvordan har de nordiske land forholdt seg til denne historiske omskiftningen, og hvilke ringvirkninger ligger i vente for Norden i den nye kinesiske æra?
Impact of Climate Change on ASEAN International Affairs: Risk and Opportunity Multiplier
This study examines the implications of climate change for international affairs in Southeast Asia and for ASEAN as a multilateral organization. Climate change and efforts to mitigate climate change give rise to major risks as well as opportunities in international affairs. It is therefore in the interest of all countries to be aware of the risks and prepare for them, and the overarching purpose of this study is to support ASEAN and its member states in this area. Given Southeast Asia’s complex geography—with numerous archipelagoes, long coastlines, intricate borders, and great-power neighbors—climate change is especially likely to affect interstate relations in the region.Climate change may impact on international affairs among the ASEAN countries at several levels. Firstly, changing climatic conditions may affect interstate relations through humanitarian crises, migration, and/or the need for greater imports of vital goods. Secondly, reducing greenhouse gas emissions requires international coordination and cooperation. Thirdly, the global energy transition driven by climate policy may lead to an altered geopolitical situation in the world, including ASEAN.
'Have you entered the storehouses of the snow?' China as a norm entrepreneur in the Arctic
The admission of China as an observer in the Arctic Council in 2013 was a significant step in the ongoing evolution of the country's Arctic policy, but Beijing is still concerned about being accepted as a regional player given its geography and arguably lack of an Arctic history. As the Arctic becomes more open to scientific and economic engagement, China wishes to develop the idea of the Arctic as more of an international space as opposed to strictly a regional one, and to allow non-Arctic states, such as China itself, to become accepted as Arctic actors. However, in order to avoid a backlash from the Arctic states and potential exclusion from the region's development, Beijing cannot effectively be a unilateral ‘norm-maker’ in the Arctic. Instead, China has sought to develop the identity of a regional ‘norm entrepreneur’, engaging the Arctic on many levels to promote the norm of partnerships between Arctic and non-Arctic actors to promote positive sum outcomes. Through engagement via several areas and governmental levels, Beijing hopes to succeed in being widely viewed as a ‘near-Arctic state’ which can contribute to new norms, and possibly new regimes, in an Arctic which shows many signs of becoming further internationalised.
North Korea and the USA: the simplified black and white conflict
In cooperation with the Norwegian Network for Asian Studies, NUPI invites you to this talk on the ‘Doomsday Clock’ and the threat of a global nuclear war.
Regime Development and Patron–Client Relations: The 2016 Transnistrian Presidential Elections and the "Russia Factor"
In December 2016, Transnistria held presidential elections in which, after an exceptionally loud and dirty campaign, the incumbent yielded power to his main opponent. This article explores regime evolution in the breakaway republic through the prism of these elections. First, drawing on the literature on hybrid regimes, we ask what the recent campaign can tell us about regime evolution in Transnistria. Second, arguing that, in the case of Eurasian de facto states, this literature must be complemented by a discussion of the role of the patron state, we then turn to the importance of the "Russia factor." We conclude by arguing that, due to Transnistria's dependency on its Moscow patron, this factor always looms large – but not necessarily in the ways that might be expected.
PODCAST: Brexit and implications for the EU, EEA and Norway
30 October marked the end of the three yearlong EUNOR project. Podcasts are now available on all the topics that were discussed during the conference.
Norden og Storbritannia – et nytt avsnitt
In this special issue of Internasjonal Politikk, we discuss how Britain’s decision to leave the EU will influence Norden and the individual Nordic countries. A little more than a year has now passed since the British EU referendum, which ended with a majority of those voting recommending that Britain should leave the Union. “Brexit” marks a crossroads in European political history, and will be central in European politics for many years to come. The outcome of the negotiations is uncertain, as are the long-term implications of Britain’s withdrawal. What is certain is that Brexit has already created unrest and insecurity in Europe, and that it will change both Britain’s role in Europe and intra-EU dynamics. These changes will in all likelihood also influence the Nordic countries – Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden – which belong in the Northwestern corner of Europe and historically have had close ties to Britain. Independent of their formal attachment to the EU, they all need to redefine their relations with Britain as well as with Europe and the EU post-Brexit.
Hva betyr brexit for utenforlandet Norge?
What does Brexit mean for EU outsider Norway? This article discusses how the British decision to leave the EU has influenced Norwegian EU debate thus far, and what implications Brexit might have for Norway’s relations with the EU and with Britain. I begin by presenting Norway’s current association model with the EU, and the ongoing political and media debate about membership and the EEA agreement, before I introduce Brexit as a breaking point. In the remainder of the article, I examine how the Norwegian government has approached Brexit so far, and reflect on how Britain’s departure from the EU may influence Norway’s relations with the EU, the EEA agreement and the British-Norwegian bilateral relationship.