WEBINAR: Euro-Atlantic and Global security priorities following Russia’s war in Ukraine
This webinar is hosted by the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) in collaboration with the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI).
The EU's response to Russia's aggression in Ukraine
The European Union responded in a swift and united manner following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on 24 February.
From secret negotiations to Tweetlomacy
Bridging or dividing people?
Norge må se det nye EU
In this op-ed, Svendsen and Riddervold present the latest developments in the EU, particularly related to health policy. In particular, the authors present and discuss the concept of strategic autonomy and argue that the Norwegian debate about European policies must to a greater extent be based on this very concept.
The Politics of Third Countries in EU Security and Defence: Norway, Brexit and Beyond
This book examines security and defence cooperation between the EU and third countries, in particular the United Kingdom and Norway. Brexit has placed the question of third-party engagement firmly back in the spotlight, especially given the UK’s significance as a security and defence actor, and the failure of both sides to agree terms for cooperation in this area. The book explains why the seemingly obvious need for cooperation and shared strategic interests alone does not lead to frictionless cooperation or integration between the EU and like-minded third countries. Adding a theoretical and conceptual depth to what is still largely an empirical topic, it draws important conclusions about the possibilities and limits of European security and defence cooperation during challenging times. It also raises key questions about the nature and suitability of the pre-existing security and defence architecture in Europe, and the place of non-EU members within it. The book will appeal to academics and students interested in European politics, EU security, and security and defence studies.
Theorizing Public Performances for International Negotiations
This article theorizes how public performances matter in international negotiations. Studies of international negotiations are predominantly focused on power-political instruments in use around the negotiating table. I argue that public communication cannot be dismissed as cheap talk but that it plays a constitutive role in and on international negotiations. Contributing to the international relations (IR) literature on negotiations, the article suggests an orientation toward an increasingly important aspect of international negotiations in a hypermediated world political context, namely public performances that challenge the distinction between domestic signaling and claim-making toward negotiating parties. Hypermediated negotiations mean that much of what goes on in IR is spread to large audiences in new and emerging digital sites in near real time. Actors use public performances to define and legitimize their desired visions for negotiating outcomes. As public performances, these are power-political instruments in and of themselves, part of the array of tactics that states turn to when competing for influence in international negotiations. The theorization is illustrated with an example from the UK–EU Brexit negotiations. The illustration is a qualitative Twitter analysis that shows the performative toolbox in use, as well as the importance of public performances themselves in the endgame of the Brexit negotiations.
Etter bruddet - hvor går Storbritannia post Brexit?
Hvor går veien videre for Storbritannia? Finnes det «en tredje vei», mer eller mindre fristilt fra EU og EØS-lignende avtaler, som sikrer at både hennen i gata, bedriftseieren og politikerne finner fram til mer stabile løsninger som sikrer forsoning, framtidsoptimisme og en gjenreist fordums stolthet for den kulturelt sett så store og rike øystaten i vest? For å bruke den britiske journalisten David Goodharths begrepspar somewheres og anywheres, i senere tid ofte brukt for å forklare grunnleggende motsetninger i befolkningen, kan man si at den tidvis aggressive motstanden mot Brussel tilsynelatende kom ingensteds fra. Det er på mange måter denne delen av Storbritannia Yohan Shanmugaratnam har beskrevet i sin kritikerroste og prisvinnende bok «Bruddet», som gir et unikt bilde av situasjonen sett fra «bakken» i England. Shanmugaratnam møter forfatter Øyvind Bratberg, i år aktuell med «Falmet fløyel i London», samt en av Norges fremste kapasiteter på temaet Brexit i Kristin Haugevik fra NUPI. Samtalen ledes av journalist Ina Gundersen. Arrangeres i samarbeid mellom Kapittel og Kåkå Kverulantkatedralen.
The Ukraine war and the NATO responses in the Baltic and the High North regions
24. mars møttes NATOs regjeringssjefer i Brussel. for å diskutere krigen i Ukraina. Seniorforsker Karsten Friis snakker i denne podkasten, som er spilt inn et par dager før møtet, med NATO-general General Jörg Vollmer (Commander of Allied Joint Force Command Brunssum) og generalløytnant Yngve Odlo (sjef for Forsvarets operative hovedkvarter) om utfordringene Russland representerer i Baltikum og Nordområdene, og hvordan NATO og Norge best kan svare.
Keeping up with the emerging European Defence Union: synchronising third country participation
Years of underspending combined with off-the-shelf weapons deliveries to support the Ukrainian armed forces has confronted EU countries with a threefold challenge: to replenish stockpiles; replace obsolete Soviet era equipment; and reinforce the innovation of new capabilities. As a matter of urgency, member states have dramatically increased their defence spending, while the EU institutions have proposed a raft of new policy instruments to invest, develop and procure in a joined-up manner. There is now a serious opportunity for member states to meet old and new pledges by overhauling the EU’s defence industrial and innovation regime. But they shouldn’t do so in splendid isolation. The direct involvement of third countries will be necessary to coordinate priorities, foster the transfer of technology and materials, screen for investments by strategic rivals, and monitor the end-use of military capabilities developed across value chains. EU rules and conditions for third country participation in defence industrial and technological cooperation should be developed in such way so as not to signal to the US, Canada, Norway, Japan and other allies and like-minded countries that their companies are no longer welcome on the EU’s emerging single defence market. To suggest otherwise would neither be good for the future competitiveness of the European industry nor for the protection of the EU’s security interests.