Publikasjoner
The Palgrave Handbook of EU Crises
Denne boken om kriser EU møter, undersøker unionens respons på kriser på tvers av politikkområder og institusjoner – på institusjonelt nivå, og på policy-nivå. Blant slike kriser finner vi Euro-krisen, Brexit, Ukraina-krisen og andre utenrikspolitiske kriser, migrasjonskrisen, legitimitetskrisen og den globale helsekrisen covid-19 brakte med seg. Boken bidrar til vår forståelse av hvordan kriser påvirker institusjonell endring og kontinuitet, beslutningstakingsatferd og -prosesser, og politikkutforming. Den byr på en systematisk diskusjon om hvordan det eksisterende repertoaret av teorier forstår kriser, og hvor godt de fanger krisetider og disintegrasjon. Mer generelt ser denne håndboken på hvordan offentlige organisasjoner håndterer kriser, og sonderer på den måten hvor bærekraftige og robuste slike er i perioder preget av kriser og uro.
Russian energy and grand strategy
Denne teksten presenterer opdaterte informasjon om utviklingen i den russiske energisektoren og diskuterer denne sektorens betydning i en bredere strategiske kontekst.
Navigating de facto statehood: trade, trust, and agency in Abkhazia's external economic relations
Hvilke muligheter har ikke-anerkjente stater for å utvikle økonomiske relasjoner med omverdenen, og hvilke kompromisser må de inngå for å kunne lykkes? Artikkelen utforsker det komplekse forholdet mellom handel og tillit i sammenheng med ikke-anerkjente stater. De fleste slike de facto stater er avhengige av en sterk ekstern beskytter (patron). I artikkelen utfordrer vi imidlertid antagelsen om at de facto stater bare representerer brikker i slike patroners geopolitiske maktspill. Med utgangspunkt i en casestudie av Abkhasia utforsker vi hvordan denne de facto staten navigerer mellom Russland (patronen), Georgia (landet Abkhasia forsøker å løsrive seg fra) og EU. Litteraturen om konflikttransformasjon har lenge pekt på hvordan handel påvirker tillitt – men hvordan forholder dette seg når det er snakk om en de facto stat som mangler internasjonal anerkjennelse? Bidrar handel også her til økt gjensidig tillit, og dermed til mulighetene for konflikttransformasjon? Casestudien av Abkhasia viser at den forventede sammenhengen ikke inntreffer her: i fravær av formell anerkjennelse bidrar ikke økt handel nødvendigvis tillit. Forholdet mellom handel, tillit og anerkjennelse viser seg imidlertid å være mer komplisert enn forventet: vi finner lavere tillit til Russland, det vil si til patronen, og mer handel med Georgia, staten man ønsker å distansere seg fra, enn hva man ville forvente.
Når krig blir hverdag
For land som har fred som et viktig varemerke, er det påfallende mye bruk av militære midler.
Norwegian cybersecurity: a small-state approach to building international cyber cooperation
Som et lite, åpent og digitalisert land har cybersikkerhet blitt et stadig viktigere politisk spørsmål i Norge. Likevel, som i andre svært digitaliserte land, har Norge hatt utfordringer med å forene nasjonale sikkerhetsinteresser med det komplekse bildet av private selskaper og andre aktører som bidrar til digital sikkerhet. Dette kapittelet sammenstiller de senere års forsøk på å skape et forent rammeverk for digital sikkerhet i Norge.
Policy brief summarizing the EU and other stakeholders’ prevention strategy towards violent extremism in the Maghreb and the Sahel
What is the European Union (EU) doing to prevent and counter violent extremism (P/CVE) in north-western Africa, specifically in the Maghreb and Sahel region? Building upon the EU Counter Terrorism Strategy (EU Council 2005), the EU Strategy for combating radicalization and recruitment to terrorism has increasingly emphasized the ‘internal-external security nexus’ and the need to strengthen co-operation with key third countries in the fields of counterterrorism, anti-radicalization, prevention, and countering of violent extremism (EU Parliament 2015; EU Parliament and EU Council 2017). The fight against violent extremism has thus become one of the most prominent objectives in EU external action, especially as far as the (enlarged) neighbourhood is concerned (Durac 2017). Yet scientific inquiry into the EU’s role in this
Policy brief summarising the EU and other stakeholder’s prevention strategy towards violent extremism in the region, Middle East
The EU-Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Preventive Violent Extremism (PvE) co-operation is wide-ranging, and has been since a formalized partnership between the EU and MENA countries was outlined in the 1995 Barcelona Declaration. It has nevertheless received added attention following numerous terrorist attacks within the EU during the last decade; and European foreign fighters have been linked to the attacks in Paris in 2015; in Brussels, Berlin, and Nice in 2016; and in Manchester, London, and Barcelona in 2017.
Working paper on the implementation of the EU’s policies
This working paper builds on earlier research in which we mapped and analysed the toolbox of the European Union (EU) and a handful of European countries by providing a comprehensive overview of existing measures aimed at counter-terrorism (CT) and preventing violent extremism (PVE) within and outside the EU. It listed the institutional setup, the decision-making processes, and co-ordinating practices at both the EU and state levels. In addition to an analysis of CT and PVE strategies at the level of EU institutions, the toolbox of four EU member states (Germany, France, Ireland, Spain) and one former member state (UK) was unpacked because of their particular experiences with and competences in the area of prevention of violent extremism. Overall, our research found that the PVE agenda is quite a recent phenomenon in most member states and principally aims at preventing violent Islamist extremism through community engagement. The UK has been a pioneer in developing a ‘prevent’ pillar as part of its 2003 CT strategy and has since then actively contributed to the development of an EUlevel PVE framework. This EU framework has in turn pushed other member states, such as Ireland and Spain, to develop their own national PVE strategies in recent years. While Germany has also over the past decade made significant strides in preventing involvement in extremism and has brought its national practices to the EU level, France has generally favoured a more securitized than preventive approach. The present working paper takes the research one step further by looking more closely at the implementation of adopted PVE measures and practices in the EU and the abovementioned key states, both domestically as well as vis-à-vis the Western Balkans and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. As such, we present a more evaluative overview geared towards identifying best practices and lessons learned in this field. The paper not only focuses on how policy is implemented and followed up, but also assesses the EU’s experiences in co-operating with member states and vice versa. In doing so, the research tries to take on board key recent developments, in particular in France and at the EU level, in response to a new series of terrorist attacks that took place in Paris, Nice, and Vienna between the end of October and mid-November 2020. The research builds on a set of in-depth interviews with PVE officials and practitioners within the EU and national administrations.
Policy brief on the implementation of the EU’s policies
Violent extremism is not a new phenomenon and terrorism has a long history in Europe, often linked to separatist movements, anarchism, and far-right and far-left extremism. The trends, means, and patterns of radicalization have evolved rapidly since the Arab uprisings flared exactly a decade ago. Counter-terrorism (CT) and preventing violent extremism (PVE) strategies have developed alongside these trends at the national and supranational level. In the wake of a series of Jihad-inspired terror attacks in Spain, France, Germany, Belgium, the UK, and elsewhere, European Union (EU) member states ramped up their military campaigns against the Islamic State (ISIS, aka Daesh) and al-Qaeda in Syria and Iraq. But since the fall of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS), governments’ interest in fighting terrorism in the Middle East has decreased. Nevertheless, some European countries remain on the front foot in their securitized PVE approach. Although there is no apparent connection between the anti-jihad war waged by the French army in Mali and the radicalization in France, the government is calling for more support from European countries to fight against jihadi movements in the Sahel. But the appetite for costly expeditionary campaigns is decreasing. By and large, the phenomenon of violent extremism is perceived as homegrown. And whereas large differences remain in individual countries’ approaches to tackling the challenges posed by violent extremism, it has nevertheless become increasingly clear that today’s security challenges – whether it is terrorism, organized crime, cyberattacks, disinformation, or other evolving cyber-enabled threats – are shared threats that require a transnational approach. Indeed, Europe as a whole faces new security issues and specific challenges for preventive work that (lone) actors and (returning) foreign terrorist fighters raise, while the internet and social media give extremist and terrorist groups and their sympathisers new opportunities for spreading their propaganda, mobilization, and communication. It is against this changed backdrop that this policy brief asks what lessons the EU can learn from best practices identified at the national level, and in the co0ordination efforts with the supranational institutions.
Digital Vulnerabilities and the Sustainable Development Goals in Developing Countries
Hvordan fører digitalisering til nye globale koblinger og fra-koblinger i utviklingsland? Og hvilken rolle spiller digitaliseringen for FNs bærekraftsmål? Dette kapittelet viser hvordan kapasitetsbygging, når det gjelder digitalisering og cybersikkerhet, henger tett sammen med hvor bærekraftig bistandsprosesser i utviklingsland vil være.