Publikasjoner
Conventional arms control on the Korean Peninsula: The current state and prospects
At the end of 2017, the Korean Peninsula reached the brink of a nuclear war, as the US president Donald Trump and the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un exchanged words of nuclear threats each other. A tug of war as to whose nuclear button is bigger and stronger exacerbated the nuclear crisis. However, the South Korean President Moon Jae-in intervened to resolve the crisis by taking advantage of the Pyeongchang Winter Olympics. In doing so, President Moon intended to pursue denuclearisation and peace-building on the Korean Peninsula at the same time. North Korean Chairman Kim Jong-un responded positively to the South Korean call to hold the inter-Korean summit and the Trump-Kim summit. In order to end the Korean war and promote peace-building on the Korean Peninsula including termination of hostile acts on inter-Korean relations, the two Koreas adopted the April 27 Panmunjom Declaration, the September 19th Pyongyang Joint Declaration and the Inter-Korean Military Agreement at their summit in 2018. The Military Agreement is aimed at reducing tension and building trust between the two Koreas through conventional arms control, while the North Korean nuclear issue is being resolved through the US-DPRK summit. The September 19th Military Agreement is a modest but remarkable success in arms control history when compared with a long-term stalemate or even retreat in the contemporary international arms control arena. Indeed, arms control is at its lowest point in history, so dim are its prospects. Nevertheless, heated debates are taking place, both at home inside South Korea and abroad, over the legitimacy and rationality of the Sept. 19th Military Agreement. With little progress on the denuclearisation issue at the Kim-Trump summit and no sign of easing economic sanctions on Pyongyang, North Korea has test-fired short-range missiles ten times to exert pressure on the United States, undermining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. Against this backdrop, this policy brief intends to analyse the true meaning of the September 19 Military Agreement between the two Koreas, to identify its problems and policy implications in order to draw up supplementary measures to implement it successfully. Furthermore, the paper will draw some implications for the relationship between progress on North Korea’s denuclearisation issue and further conventional arms control on the Korean Peninsula.
Forsvarets langtidsplan til ompuss
Opposisjonen på Stortinget sendte langtidsplanen for forsvarssektoren tilbake til regjeringen. Karsten Friis og Ulf Sverdrup gir en oversikt over de viktigste hensynene som må tas til etterretning i ompussen.
Mainstream Russian Nationalism and the “State- Civilization” Identity: Perspectives “from below”
Based on more than 100 interviews in European Russia, this article sheds light on the bottom-up dynamics of Russian nationalism. After offering a characterization of the post-2012 “state-civilization” discourse from above, I examine how ordinary people imagine Russia as a “state-civilization.” Interview narratives of inclusion into the nation are found to overlap with state discourse on three main lines: (1) ethno-nationalism is rejected, and Russia is imagined to be a unique, harmonious multi-ethnic space in which the Russians (russkie) lead without repressing the others; (2) Russia’s multinationalism is remembered in myths of peaceful interactions between Russians (russkie) and indigenous ethnic groups (korennyye narodi) across the imperial and Soviet past; (3) Russian culture and language are perceived as the glue that holds together a unified category of nationhood. Interview narratives on exclusion deviate from state discourse in two key areas: attitudes to the North Caucasus reveal the geopolitical-security, post-imperial aspect of the “state-civilization” identity, while stances toward non-Slavic migrants in city spaces reveal a degree of “cultural nationalism” that, while sharing characteristics with those of Western Europe, is also based on Soviet-framed notions of normality. Overall, the article contributes to debates on how Soviet legacies and Russia’s post-imperial consciousness play out in the context of the “pro-Putin consensus.”
Preferential tariffs and development of Norwegian rose import from Africa
Purpose Imports of cut roses increased after Norway implemented a preferential tariff scheme for the Least Developed Countries in 2002. When the scheme was extended to more countries in 2008 – among them Kenya – imports exploded. This article studies the subsequent changes in supply channels, import costs and the way Norwegian firms imported. Design/methodology/approach Qualitative data, obtained through interviews among five rose importers, are combined with quantitative data for all importing firms and transactions in Norway for years 2003–2014. These data are analysed in light of recent economic theories on international trade. Findings When Kenya was included in the scheme, imports from Europe and domestic production in Norway decreased substantially. Imports from some African countries with low income levels also declined. Importing under GSP involves high fixed import costs due to stringent procedures. Each firm’s imports increased gradually, and over time learning may have facilitated importing. Direct trade with African producers and control over the logistics chain seem to have become more important. Research limitations/implications The analysis build mainly on data for Norwegian importers, not for African exporters. Managerial or Policy implications Simplifying the GSP procedures could increase Norwegian imports from developing countries and induce establishment of new trade relationships, perhaps also for other products than roses. Originality/value Using a mixture of original qualitative data as well as unique, detailed and comprehensive quantitative data, the article provides new insights into how a developed country’s preferential tariff reductions towards developing countries affect trade and buyer-supplier relationships.
Brothers and barbarians: Discursive constructions of ‘refugees’ in Russian media
Hvordan omtales flyktninger i russiske aviser, og hva sier dette om forestillinger om «oss» og «dem»? Moen-Larsen undersøker i denne artikkelen hva tre russiske riksdekkende aviser skrev om flyktninger i perioden mellom 1. januar 2014 og 31. desember 2015. Hun finner at avisene primært skriver om to flyktninggrupper: flyktninger fra Ukraina som kom til Russland våren 2014 og flyktninger fra Midtøsten og Nord-Afrika som dro til Europa under «flyktningkrisen» i 2015. Denne artikkelen er den første til systematisk å kartlegge hvordan aviser omtaler flyktninger fra Midtøsten/Nord-Afrika og flyktninger fra Ukraina på kontrasterende vis. Den førstnevnte flyktninggruppen fremstilles som truende for Europa og den sistnevnte som en gruppe som bør tas imot og integreres i det russiske samfunnet.
Hvilken liberal orden?
Vesten må også gå i seg selv for å finne løsninger på den ilberale ordens krise.
Hvordan påvirker pandemien den liberale orden?
Koronakrisen vil føre til at dagens verdensorden går en usikker fremtid i møte.
The Impact of Covid-19 on the Women, Peace and Security Agenda.
• Women appear to be disproportionately affected by Covid-19 • Pushback on global commitment to gender equality • Gender equality and human development are correlated: focussing on gender equality will have a catalytic effect on the SDGs • The increasing strain on peace operations is likely to have a negative effect on the WPS agenda.
COVID-19 will change the way the UN conducts peacekeeping operations in the future
The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly disrupted UN peacekeeping operations. In the short-term, activities have been reduced to the most critical, rotations have been frozen, and most staff are working remotely. Most of the missions have adapted remarkably well, but even more extreme changes are likely in the medium term, as the global economic recession that will follow in the wake of the virus may force UN peace operations to drastically contract in size and scope.
Handelen med medisinske varer og Covid-19
Koronaepidemien har synliggjort sårbarhet for medisiner og medisinsk utstyr. Skaper globalisering større eller mindre sårbarhet? - Flertallet av verdens land importerer sin medisin, og bare 18 land er netto eksportører. - Eksporten er dominert av Vest-Europa, med Kina og India et stykke ned på listen. - Globalisering har ført til spredning av risiko for medisinske varer med flere leverandørland og mindre konsentrasjon av eksporten. En hovedgrunn er økt eksport fra små land i Europa. - På mer detaljert varenivå er bildet mer blandet, med økt konsentrasjon i en del tilfeller. - Eksportrestriksjoner bidrar til markedskollaps og økte priser, som særlig rammer fattige land som importerer alt de trenger. - For Norge er europeisk samarbeid viktig for medisinsk beredskap.