Publikasjoner
Upregulation of the lactate transporter monocarboxylate transporter 1 at the blood-brain barrier in a rat model of attention-deficit/hyperactivity...
The energy deficit hypothesis of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) suggests that low lactate production by brain astrocytes causes the symptoms of the disorder. Astrocytes are the main producers of lactate in the brain; however, skeletal muscles can produce the most lactate in the body. The lactate production by skeletal muscles increases with physical activity, as does the expression of the lactate transporter monocarboxylate transporter 1 (MCT1) at the blood-brain barrier (BBB). We hypothesise that children with ADHD, by being hyperactive, increase lactate production by skeletal muscles and transport it into the brain to compensate for low supply by astrocytes. The aim of this study was to explore whether the level of MCT1 is altered in the brain in an animal model of ADHD. The MCT1 expression was quantified on hippocampal brain sections from the best available rat model of ADHD, i.e., the spontaneously hypertensive rat (SHR) (n=12), and the relevant control, the Wistar Kyoto rat (WKY) (n=12), by the use of quantitative immunofluorescence laser scanning microscopy and postembedding immunogold electron microscopy. The results revealed significantly higher levels of hippocampal MCT1 immunoreactivity in SHR compared to WKY, particularly at the BBB. These results indicate that lactate flux through MCT1 between the body and the brain could be upregulated in children with ADHD. This study adds to previous research suggesting hyperactivity may be beneficial in ADHD; Children with ADHD possibly display a hyperactive behaviour in order to raise skeletal muscle lactate production, MCT1 expression and flux over the BBB to supply the brain with lactate.
Intelligence oversight in the twenty-first century: Accountability in a changing world
This book examines how key developments in international relations in recent years have affected intelligence agencies and their oversight. Since the turn of the millennium, intelligence agencies have been operating in a tense and rapidly changing security environment. This book addresses the impact of three factors on intelligence oversight: the growth of more complex terror threats, such as those caused by the rise of Islamic State; the colder East-West climate following Russia’s intervention in Ukraine and annexation of Crimea; and new challenges relating to the large-scale intelligence collection and intrusive surveillance practices revealed by Edward Snowden. This volume evaluates the impact these factors have had on security and intelligence services in a range of countries, together with the challenges that they present for intelligence oversight bodies to adapt in response. With chapters surveying developments in Norway, Romania, the UK, Belgium, France, the USA, Canada and Germany, the coverage is varied, wide and up-to-date.
Kunstig intelligens, roboter og fremtidens krigføring - en revolusjon?
Dette er den første rapporten fra et omfattende prosjekt som søker å gi en bedre forståelse av forholdet mellom teknologi, krig og samfunn, med et spesielt henblikk på utviklingen av nye teknologier, fremtidens forventede krigføring, og hvilke konsekvenser dette vil ha for samfunnene våre. Denne rapporten har til hensikt å sondere terrenget, snarere enn å komme med klare anbefalinger og konkrete svar. Formålet er heller å stille spørsmål og komme opp med problemstillinger som synes relevante for videre diskusjon og forskning.
How the New Cold War travelled North (Part II) Interaction between Norway and Russia
This policy brief examines changing Russian and Norwegian approaches to each other in the period 2012–2016, and discusses how the “New Cold War” spread to the North. This is an intriguing question, since both parties had initially stated that, despite the overall worsening of Russia–West relations following the crises in Ukraine, the North should be protected as a space for peaceful interaction. To address this question, watching and tracking the changing patterns of Russian exercises and military modernization is not enough; understanding the rise in tensions requires studying the effects of the interactions underway between the parties in this region. Three interaction effects need to be taken into consideration in explaining why the tense relations following the conflict in Ukraine spread to the low-tension Northern theatre. In this, we stress the interactive dynamics that ensues when two parties start to view each other as threats, interpreting new moves by the other as expressions of hostile intent. Further, we explain the observed New Cold War “contamination” with reference to domestic policy agendas and practices of decision-making. On both the Norwegian and the Russian sides, the new military posturing in the North, now interpreted as part of a growing conflict, has emerged partly as a side-effect of implementing what actually were longstanding national goals.
How the New Cold War travelled North (Part I) Norwegian and Russian narratives
The standoff between Russia and the West over Ukraine has already obstructed cooperation across a range of issues. Could it also affect state interaction between Norway and Russia in the Arctic—an area and a relationship long characterized by a culture of compromise and cooperation? In two policy briefs we examine changes in how Russia and Norway have approached each other in the Arctic in the period 2012–2016. This first brief presents the development of official Norwegian and Russian narratives on the relations between the two countries in the Arctic. Such narratives stipulate logical paths for action. Showing how Norwegian and Russian policies have changed in line with these narratives, we conclude that what some refer to as “the New Cold War” is indeed spreading to the Arctic.
Military-Civilian Relations in Interventions
It is frequently claimed that success in interventions hinges largely on military–civilian coherence. Nevertheless, despite high ambitions, coherence among intervening actors has proven challenging to achieve in practice. Why is this so? The thesis asks: How can we theorize and analyse the challenges facing intervening actors to achieve military–civilian coherence in post-Cold War interventions? The thesis firstly develops a holistic understanding of the various actors present in an intervention and their inter-relationships – and offers a taxonomy of various forms of relationships between them. It then focusses on the military actors and discusses how they differ significantly from conventional peacekeeping to robust counter-insurgencies. The thesis then discusses the relations between military and humanitarian actors. Based on the first chapters it is thereafter argued that there is a need for a comprehensive analytical framework to make deductive analyses of interventions possible. It argues that by studying the identification processes of the intervening actors, insights into how they regard their role and how they regard the other actors, international as well as local, can be generated. This analytical framework is then applied to the case of Afghanistan to analyse the identities of three sets of actors – the military, the humanitarians and the state-builders, finding that the three entities appeared largely ignorant of each other, operating in parallel but not in conjunction. The thesis concludes with a discussion of the applicability of the analytical framework on other cases and with other research questions.
Utenforkameratene
Skilsmisseavtalen mellom Storbritannia og EU er ferdigforhandlet, men det er fortsatt mye usikkerhet rundt veien videre. Om knappe to uker skal Underhuset stemme over avtalen. Resultatet kan tippe begge veier. Mens brexit-prosessen for EUs del er blitt en historie om institusjonell suksess og 27 land som har stått overraskende samlet, er bildet som tegnes av Storbritannia det motsatte. I den britiske debatten har frontene vært så skarpe og de røde linjene så mange, at statsminister Mays jobb med å finne et nasjonalt kompromiss har fremstått som en tilnærmet umulig oppgave.
China’s Belt and Road Initiative through the lens of Central Asia
Has the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), launched by China in 2013, changed the perception of China among local actors in Central Asia? There are numerous internal problems and contradictions among the Central Asian countries and the region remains one of the least integrated in the world. This poses serious challenges to BRI but also offers opportunities for enhancing regional connectivity and integration. Although there has been some research and even more media coverage of BRI, little is known about how Central Asians perceive BRI. This chapter fills some of these gaps and analyzes the present state of relations between the Central Asian countries and China and collects and systematizes perceptions of Beijing and BRI among Central Asian stakeholders. The analysis focuses on economic cooperation, infrastructure and educational initiatives, as they as they are among BRI's main pillars. The main conclusion is that current attitudes towards China have been formed within the framework of bilateral relations that started in 1991, and there has so far been no major shift in the perception of China in Central Asia since BRI was launched. Whereas the broader public expects more economic opportunities from BRI and there has been more discussion of China's role in Central Asia after 2013, local communities remain uninformed and weakly connected to the high-level interaction between the Chinese and Central Asian governments.
The geopolitics of renewable energy: Debunking four emerging myths
This article seeks to nip in the bud four emerging myths about the geopolitics of the rise of renewable energy and the concomitant increase in electricity usage. The article presents alternative perspectives, arguing that (1) the risk of geopolitical competition over critical materials for renewable energy is limited; (2) the resource curse as we know it from the petroleum sector will not necessarily reappear in many countries in connection with renewable energy; (3) transboundary electricity cut-offs will mostly be unsuitable as a geopolitical weapon; and (4) it is not clear that growing use of renewable energy will exacerbate cyber-security risks. In all four areas, the evolving literature could place more emphasis on uncertainty and risks and less on one-sided scenarios and maximization of threats.