Publikasjoner
From State-led development to embedded neoliberalism: India’s Industrial and Social Policies in Comparative Perspective
In the literature, there are mixed opinions about the links between economic globalisation and social policies. On the one hand, it is argued that increased global economic integration compels states to promote their countries’ economic competitiveness. In an increasingly liberalised world economy, this leads to a ‘race to the bottom’, in which states, in order to attract investment and prevent capital flight, must cut spending and reduce tax rates (Swank 2001; Brooks 2009). On the other hand, it is claimed that in the face of increased economic insecurity, citizens will demand more social protection by the state, as compensation for increased insecurity. According to this argument, increased economic liberalisation will be accompanied by expanded social policies, along the lines seen in Europe in the period of ‘embedded liberalism’, when welfare states were built. For India, similar arguments have been made by Partha Chatterjee, who argues that along with a (neoliberal) policy promoting the ‘primitive accumulation of capital’, the state has undertaken to ‘reverse the effects of primitive accumulation’ by funding programmes that provide alternative means of livelihood to those that have lost them (Chatterjee 2013: 214). This chapter will assess the role of the state in industrial development and welfare provision in India. It will trace the evolution of state policies, focusing mainly on the period from the 1970s until today, to identify patterns of both continuity and change. It will focus on: 1 Economic policies, including the system of regulation, degree of state ownership and industrial policy (state ownership, licensing, trade policies, tax system); 2 Social protection (direct or conditional cash transfers, social assistance, pensions, unemployment benefits, public works, health and education).
Slutten på demokratiet? Globalisering, nyliberalisme og demokratiets framtid
Makt og avmakt i cyberspace: hvordan styre det digitale rom?
Et sikkert cyberspace er nødvendig for en fungerende samfunnsstruktur, økonomisk, politisk og sosialt. Med samfunnets økende avhengighet av cyberspace for å kunne fungere normalt, har sikringen av cyberspace blitt stadig viktigere. For å løse sikkerhetsutfordringene knyttet til utviklingen av cyberspace har stater søkt støtte fra private aktører gjennom såkalte multistakeholder-initiativer. Med slike initiativer mener man en åpen form for samarbeid mellom interessenter, basert på en idé om likeverdige partnere. Stater iverksetter slike initiativer ut fra en tanke om at et samarbeid mellom private og offentlige aktører gir den beste formen for styring og sikring av aktiviteter i cyberspace. Implementeringen foregår imidlertid uten at de nødvendige forutsetningene for at en slik styringsform skal fungere er til stede. Selv om mange i dagens akademiske debatt stiller spørsmål ved om disse initiativene fungerer, er det få som har stilt spørsmål ved hvordan cybersikkerhet kan utøves i praksis. Dette fører til at man overser det sentrale spørsmålet om hvordan maktdynamikken mellom offentlig og privat sektor fungerer med henblikk på sikkerhet i cyberspace. Denne artikkelen diskuterer hvorvidt multistakeholder-initiativene faktisk fungerer som en kontroll- og styringsmekanisme i cyberspace. Ved å se nærmere på offentlig-privat samarbeid om cybersikkerhet i Norge er hensikten å gi en bedre forståelse av årsakene til at multistakeholder-initiativer ofte ikke fungerer i praksis.
Towards UN counter-terrorism operations?
The United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operation in Mali (MINUSMA) has become among the deadliest in UN history, suffering from attacks by violent extremists and terrorists. There are strong calls to give UN peacekeeping operations more robust mandates and equip them with the necessary capabilities, guidelines and training to be able to take on limited stabilisation and counter-terrorism tasks. This article conceptually develops UN counter-terrorism operations as a heuristic device, and compares this with the mandate and practices of MINUSMA. It examines the related implications of this development, and concludes that while there may be good practical as well as short-term political reasons for moving in this direction, the shift towards UN counter-terrorism operations will undermine the UN’s international legitimacy, its role as an impartial conflict arbiter, and its tools in the peace and security toolbox more broadly, such as UN peacekeeping operations and special political missions.
Negotiating justice: legal pluralism and gender-based violence in Liberia
The plural legal system in post-conflict Liberia expresses tensions between modern and customary institutions. This article seeks to understand how Liberians navigate choices in the plural legal system to address gender-based violence cases. By asking how and why people make the choices they do, we highlight how Liberians solve tensions between institutions, by creating flexible categories that allow them to pursue a course of action that does not compromise their ability to access social networks and resources.
Trusselen fra cyberspace
Cyberangrep øker i omfang verden over. Norge er et av verdens mest digitaliserte land og dermed spesielt utsatt, men dette blir i stor grad oversett av politikere og næringslivsledere.
DUBLETT - The making of the political subject: subjects and territory in the formation of the state
Mer enn laks og menneskerettigheter
Kronikk om normaliseringen av Norge-Kina relasjoner.
Alle for Xi og Xi for partiet
Kronikk om Det kinesiske kommunistpartiet sin nasjonalkongress og Xi Jinpings lederskap