Publikasjoner
Impact of Climate Change on ASEAN International Affairs: Risk and Opportunity Multiplier
This study examines the implications of climate change for international affairs in Southeast Asia and for ASEAN as a multilateral organization. Climate change and efforts to mitigate climate change give rise to major risks as well as opportunities in international affairs. It is therefore in the interest of all countries to be aware of the risks and prepare for them, and the overarching purpose of this study is to support ASEAN and its member states in this area. Given Southeast Asia’s complex geography—with numerous archipelagoes, long coastlines, intricate borders, and great-power neighbors—climate change is especially likely to affect interstate relations in the region.Climate change may impact on international affairs among the ASEAN countries at several levels. Firstly, changing climatic conditions may affect interstate relations through humanitarian crises, migration, and/or the need for greater imports of vital goods. Secondly, reducing greenhouse gas emissions requires international coordination and cooperation. Thirdly, the global energy transition driven by climate policy may lead to an altered geopolitical situation in the world, including ASEAN.
'Have you entered the storehouses of the snow?' China as a norm entrepreneur in the Arctic
The admission of China as an observer in the Arctic Council in 2013 was a significant step in the ongoing evolution of the country's Arctic policy, but Beijing is still concerned about being accepted as a regional player given its geography and arguably lack of an Arctic history. As the Arctic becomes more open to scientific and economic engagement, China wishes to develop the idea of the Arctic as more of an international space as opposed to strictly a regional one, and to allow non-Arctic states, such as China itself, to become accepted as Arctic actors. However, in order to avoid a backlash from the Arctic states and potential exclusion from the region's development, Beijing cannot effectively be a unilateral ‘norm-maker’ in the Arctic. Instead, China has sought to develop the identity of a regional ‘norm entrepreneur’, engaging the Arctic on many levels to promote the norm of partnerships between Arctic and non-Arctic actors to promote positive sum outcomes. Through engagement via several areas and governmental levels, Beijing hopes to succeed in being widely viewed as a ‘near-Arctic state’ which can contribute to new norms, and possibly new regimes, in an Arctic which shows many signs of becoming further internationalised.
Regime Development and Patron–Client Relations: The 2016 Transnistrian Presidential Elections and the "Russia Factor"
In December 2016, Transnistria held presidential elections in which, after an exceptionally loud and dirty campaign, the incumbent yielded power to his main opponent. This article explores regime evolution in the breakaway republic through the prism of these elections. First, drawing on the literature on hybrid regimes, we ask what the recent campaign can tell us about regime evolution in Transnistria. Second, arguing that, in the case of Eurasian de facto states, this literature must be complemented by a discussion of the role of the patron state, we then turn to the importance of the "Russia factor." We conclude by arguing that, due to Transnistria's dependency on its Moscow patron, this factor always looms large – but not necessarily in the ways that might be expected.
Hva betyr brexit for utenforlandet Norge?
Storbritannia er på vei ut av EU. Hva betyr det for utenforlandet Norge? Siden folkeavstemningen 23. juni i fjor, har Europa fulgt den britiske regjeringens signaler og veivalg nøye. Når 28 EU-land blir til 27 vil det ikke bare forskyve maktbalansen innad i EU, men også mellom EU og utenforlandene, og blant landene i den brokete forsamlingen av europeiske tredjeland. Storbritannias uttreden vil merkes, både i og utenfor EU. I denne artikkelen ser Kristin Haugevik nærmere nærmere på hvordan Storbritannias EU-uttreden vil påvirke norsk utenriks- og europapolitikk. Første del av artikkelen gjennomgår hovedtrekkene i Norges forhold til EU og debatten rundt norsk EU- og EØS-tilknytning, før forskeren introduserer Brexit som et brytningspunkt. I andre del studerer Haugevik norske medier og politikeres fremstilling av Brexit og konsekvensene for norsk utenriks- og europapolitikk, og presenterer hovedsporene i den norske regjeringens Brexit-arbeid. Avslutningsvis diskuterer hun hvordan Storbritannias EU-sorti vil påvirke Norges europapolitikk i bred forstand, Norges EØS-/EFTA-tilknytning og det bilaterale forholdet til Storbritannia.
Norden og Storbritannia – et nytt avsnitt
I denne temautgaven av Internasjonal Politikk ser vi nærmere på hva Storbritannias EU-uttreden vil kunne bety for Norden og de enkelte nordiske land. Litt over et år er gått siden folkeavstemningen i Storbritannia, hvor et flertall av de stemmegivende gikk inn for å melde Storbritannia ut av EU. «Brexit» markerer etter alt å dømme et veiskille i europeisk politisk historie, og vil prege europeisk politikk i mange år fremover. Utfallet av forhandlingene er usikkert, de langsiktige konsekvensene av Storbritannias uttreden likeså. Men det som er sikkert er at brexit allerede har skapt uro og usikkerhet i Europa, og at det vil endre både Storbritannias rolle i Europa og dynamikken innad i EU. Brexit vil også med all sannsynlighet være av stor betydning for de nordiske landene – Danmark, Finland, Island, Norge og Sverige – som hører til i det nordvestlige hjørnet av Europa og historisk sett har hatt tette bånd til Storbritannia. Uavhengig av sin formelle tilknytning til EU, vil de alle måtte redefinere sine forhold ikke bare til Storbritannia, men også til Europa og EU post-brexit.
Governmentality
Governmentality is a concept that Michel Foucault developed in response to critics that found no subjects in his analyses of power. It refers to how subjects such as states may govern from afar by conducting the conduct of other subjects such as NGOs, individuals etc. This chapter traces the emergence of the concept, relates it to Foucault’s two other modes of power (sovereignty and discipline) and précis its use across the social sciences.
Hegemonic-Order Theory: A Field-Theoretic Account
This article outlines a field-theoretic variation of hegemonic-order theory — one inspired primarily by the work of Pierre Bourdieu. We argue that hegemony derives from the possession of a plurality of meta-capital in world politics; hegemons exercise “a power over other species of power, and particularly over their rate of exchange.” Recasting conventional hegemonic-order theories along these lines carries with it at least three advantages: it helps bridge the differences between realist and neo-Gramscian approaches to hegemony; it provides scaffolding for exploring the workings of hegemony and hegemonic ordering across different scales; and it better addresses the fact that hegemonic powers are enabled and constrained by international order itself. After reviewing some of the major variants of hegemonic-order theory, we explore Bourdieu’s understanding of hegemony and cognate concepts. We then elaborate on our field-theoretic approach, with examples drawn from US foreign relations and the Roman Empire. Finally, we provide a longer illustrative sketch in the form of a discussion of Roman ordering and its longue durée influence on social, political, and cultural fields in world politics.
Quasi-Professionals in the Organisation of Transnational Crisis Mapping
The recent explosion of increasingly sophisticated mobile information communications technologies (ICTs) has led to the creation of new and complex networks and relationships. The fastest growth and adoption of mobile technologies is now in the developing world and often among populations facing development and humanitarian challenges. The entrepreneurial utilization of technological advances in these populations, combined with dispersed online networks in the developed world, is shaping global governance and the response of international organizations and governments in various ways. In this chapter we explore the particular phenomenon of crisis mapping that has arisen in the past five years out of the confluence of various technological advances and its combination with populations facing crisis. Specifically, we seek to analyze how quasi-professional crisis mappers or “mapsters” are shaping humanitarian action as an evolving professional field.
Professional Networks in Transnational Governance
Who controls how transnational issues are defined and treated? In recent decades professional coordination on a range of issues has been elevated to the transnational level. International organizations, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and firms all make efforts to control these issues. This volume shifts focus away from looking at organizations and zooms in on how professional networks exert control in transnational governance. It contributes to research on professions and expertise, policy entrepreneurship, normative emergence, and change. The book provides a framework for understanding how professionals and organizations interact, and uses it to investigate a range of transnational cases. The volume also deploys a strong emphasis on methodological strategies to reveal who controls transnational issues, including network, sequence, field, and ethnographic approaches. Bringing together scholars from economic sociology, international relations, and organization studies, the book integrates insights from across fields to reveal how professionals obtain and manage control over transnational issues.
Norsk hemmelighold: Sikkerhet diskuteres altfor ofte i lukkede rom.
Ifølge en NUPI-meningsmåling er sikkerhet og forsvar det området i utenrikspolitikken folk prioriterer høyest. Ingen annen sak er viktigere. Nesten 80 prosent anser den sikkerhetspolitiske trusselen mot Norge som middels til veldig høy. Dette skyldes trolig at verden for de fleste av oss fremstår som mer ustabil og uforutsigbar, ikke minst som følge av Russlands krigføring og økningen av terroranslag i Europa. Samtidig er det langt fra åpenbart hvilke grep vi bør gjøre for å møte disse truslene. Debattene om sikkerhet blir dermed viktige. Vi må unngå overreaksjoner og feil fokus, men sørge for at sikkerhetstiltakene faktisk øker sikkerheten. Dette fordrer god informasjon, åpne debatter og kritiske røster. Dessverre er vi ikke der i dag. Sikkerhet diskuteres altfor ofte i lukkede rom, skriver Karsten Friis i denne kronikken