Beggar Thy Neighbor? Application of SPS measures by the Russian Federation and Case Study: The Impact of the Russian Import Ban on Ukrainian Confec...
France and the European Union: a story of reason rather than love
In France, the push for the European integration process has come historically for a large part from the political and administrative elite. Over the past 60 years, they have expressed not only interest but also belief in European integration, as the US scholar Craig Parsons has rightly noted. Three beliefs about the EU have been recurrent fundamentals for French political and administrative elites: 1. The EU must have a ‘core’ consisting in the major member states which exercise a leadership on the rest. In this regard, France and Germany must share the role of motor or driving force. 2. The EU must not be limited to a single market. It should develop as a political project including a foreign and security policy. This is usually called in France l’Europe puissance, a term difficult to translate. 3. The EU governance should be a combination of supranational and intergovernmental institutions
Views from the Pivot Point: Chinese Perceptions of Russia’s ‘Go East’ Strategy
One of Three Roads: The Role of the Northern Sea Route in Evolving Sino-Russian Strategic Relations
Boko Haram: frå open forkynning til hypervaldeleg salafisme?
«Konsortium for forsking om terrorisme og internasjonal kriminalitet» har gleda av å invitere til konsortiumseminar på NUPI
Backing the USSR 2.0: Dynamic State Identity and Public Support for Expansionist Nationalism in Russia
Based on the NEORUSS/ROMIR public opinion surveys in Russia in 2013 and 2014, Mikhail Alexseev examines the preferences of ethnic Russians and ethnic non-Russians in the Russian Federation for territorial boundaries of their state.
Europas energifremtid
Ukraina er det viktigste transittlandet for Russland når det gjelder gassforsyninger til Europa, men økonomiske og politiske utfordringer har gjort samarbeidet vanskelig.
Russia and China in Central Asia
Over the last three years, Russia and China have increased their engagement in Central Asia in response to NATO’s withdrawal from Afghanistan. Moscow has deepened its security cooperation with the Central Asian states with a new strategic purpose– guarding against instability spilling over from northern Afghanistan– and has promoted the expansion of the Eurasian Economic Union. China also has dramatically accelerated its economic activities in the region by announcing the One Belt One Route (OBOR) initiative, an ambitious project to upgrade regional infrastructure and connect China to Europe and the Middle East. Although both Beijing and Moscow claim to be regional partners and not rivals, since the Ukraine crisis Russia has been forced to accept China’s terms of cooperation in order to signal that it has non-Western partners and opportunities.
Societal inclusion in expert venues: Participation of interest groups and business in the european commission expert groups