Unexplored resources for EU Arctic policy: Energy, oceans and space
The EUs current Arctic policy from 2016 focuses on climate and environmental protection, sustainable development and international cooperation. The EU has followed up with contributions to research and international cooperation in these areas. However, the EU’s engagement in the Arctic is overlooked internally – with the Arctic perceived of as a marginal arena for policy action – and externally – with a lack of broader recognition for the EU’s Arctic efforts and contributions. We suggest that the EU has perhaps defined its Arctic policy approach - and understood Arctic governance - too narrowly. Arctic policy has been a niche concern in Brussels, and this has resulted in a focused and consistent approach, but involved too few EU actors in Arctic policymaking. Consequently, the EU has unwittingly limited its role in the Arctic and made it even more difficult to formulate a convincing narrative about what the EU has to do with and in the Arctic. In our view, there are three broader policy areas that have untapped potential for giving additional ballast to the EU as an Arctic actor: energy, ocean and space governance.
Governance, fragility and insurgency in the Sahel: a hybrid order in the making
Once a region that rarely featured in debates about global security, the Sahel has become increasingly topical as it confronts the international community with intertwined challenges related to climate variability, poverty, food insecurity, population displacement, transnational crime, contested statehood and jihadist insurgencies. This Special Issue discerns the contours of political orders in the making. After situating the Sahel region in time and space, we focus on the trajectory of regional security dynamics over the past decade, which are marked by two military coups in Mali (2012 and 2020). In addressing state fragility and societal resilience in the context of increasing external intervention and growing international rivalry, we seek to consider broader and deeper transformations that can be neither ignored nor patched up through the framework of the ‘war on terror’ projected onto ‘ungoverned spaces’. Focusing especially on the mobilisation of material and immaterial resources, we apply political economy lenses in combination with a historical sociological approach to shed light on how extra-legal governance plays a crucial role in the deformation, transformation and reformation of political orders.
Building Tax Systems in Fragile States
How can international donors contribute where institutions are weak?
EU's Arktispolitik er for snæver
Energy politics, space policy and ocean governance need to be considered, if the EU is to succeed in creating a well-founded and effective political narrative about its own role in the Arctic.
Small states facing the EU: The case of Swiss-EU relations
Will the Swiss-EU relation continue in harmony, or will the EU evoke the “guillotine” clause and terminate current agreements? NUPI invites you to join our seminar on the Swiss-EU relations.
Doubling Down on Arctic Diplomacy
What impact will the new Biden administration have on Arctic politics? While the Arctic as a region is not likely to figure as feature in the 100-day plan of a new Biden presidency, there are reasons to expect some key changes for the region.
Singapore: How to Attract More Investment in Renewable Energy?
Singapore has limited renewable energy potential due to its small surface area and the limited space available. Solar power has the greatest potential. Given the country’s limited spare land, rooftops and vertical spaces on high-rise buildings are of particular importance. Singapore set a target of producing solar energy to cover 350,000 households in 2030 that would be equivalent to 4% of the country’s current electricity demand. In 2019, solar energy accounted for less than 1% of Singapore’s total energy mix. We propose four actions to improve the investment climate for renewable energy in Singapore: develop incentive and regulatory support mechanism; consolidate solar energy governance; mobilise equity investors and lenders; specialise in the long-distance trade of renewable energy, especially in the form of hydrogen.
The Philippines: How to Leapfrog from a Complicated Renewable Energy Sector to an Attractive One
The Philippines set the target of increasing the share of renewable energy in its energy mix from 16.9% in 2019 to 26.9% by 2030. This ambitious target requires significant additional investment in renewable energy. It has been estimated that the Philippines could attract USD 20 billion in renewable energy investment through auctions between 2020 and 2030. To achieve this, the investment climate for renewables needs to be improved. Over the last few years, other ASEAN countries such as Vietnam, Malaysia and Thailand have been viewed as more attractive markets by foreign investors. We propose five actions that can improve the attractiveness of Philippines’ investment climate for renewable energy and help it join the regional race for investment: prioritise renewables in the energy governance system; enforce existing regulatory and fiscal policies; raise the targets and develop an investment roadmap; facilitate market entry for renewable energy investors; build capacity for renewable energy governance.
Sjømatnæringen og Europa: EU-medlemskap, EØS eller NOREXIT?
EEA is a comprehensive agreement with thousands of legal acts incorporated into Norwegian law and practice. The number of legal acts varies strongly across areas and in some fields, implementation is more important than new legislation. In 2020, Norway had 96 agreements with the EU, og which 46 can be called trade agreements. Switzerland has comprehensive cooperation with the EU and without the EEA, but the relationship is under pressure. A summary of the book chapters indicates that, in economic terms, there is potentially more to lose from abolition of the EEA than there is to gain from membership.
Norges handelsforhandlinger med EU gjennom 50 år: Sakskoblinger og forhandlingsmakt
The chapter provides an historical review of Norway’s trade negotiations with the EU from 1973 until today, with particular focus on results for the seafood sector. Around 1990, EFTA provided bargaining power in spite of industrial differences. The 1991 EEA negotiations had issue linkages across several areas, and substantial tariff cuts were obtained for seafood. Later negotiations have been conducted along parallel tracks with weak issue linkages. With reduced bargaining power, Norway has been forced to accept ever increasing EEA grants, but free trade for seafood has never been achieved even if sizeable tariff rate quotas have been granted as a compensation for earlier free trade agreements with new EU members.