“Irregular” Migration and Divergent Understandings of Security in the Sahel
On 23 September 2020, the EU launched its new Pact on Migration and Asylum. In a refreshingly blunt press-release accompanying the Pact one could read: “The current system no longer works. And for the past five years, the EU has not been able to fix it”. The stated aim of the Pact is a fairer sharing of responsibility and solidarity between member states while providing certainty for individual asylum applicants. This is intended to rebuild trust between EU members as well as improve the capacity to better manage migration. However, whether the Pact will be implemented and have an effect on EU external migration policy in the Sahel remains to be seen. Following the 2012 crisis in Mali and further spread of instability to neighbouring Niger and Burkina Faso, the central areas of the Sahel region have gained prominence as “producers” of transnational security threats, such as violent extremism, “irregular” migration and human trafficking. With Niger also being a major transit hub for northbound “irregular” migrants, this trend was further exacerbated by the so-called European refugee and migration crisis in 2015. This has led to unprecedented international attention in recent years, and consequently, a growing number of bilateral and multilateral donor assistance programmes and external military interventions. Since 2015, the number of refugees and asylum seekers coming from this area to Europe has been reduced. At first glance, this could mistakenly be understood as a success-story in migration management, or alternatively, that fewer people want to travel the dangerous route across the Mediterranean. However, the situation on the ground is going from bad to worse, despite increased levels of international resources invested to foster stabilisation and development in the region. Why? This IAI Commentary is based on the authors’ forthcoming journal article: “The Fragility Dilemma and Divergent Security Complexes in the Sahel”, in The International Spectator, Vol. 55, No. 4 (December 2020).
Security Council Resolution 1325 at 20: What Next for the Women Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda?
This policy brief takes stock of the achievements of the WPS agenda since the passing of its founding Security Resolution 1325, twenty years ago. It outlines the challenges it currently faces like the implementation gap; the global push-back against women’s rights and multilateral cooperation; the increase of a strongly gendered nationalist populism; the political climate amongst UN member states and within the Security Council; and the Covid-19 pandemic. It discusses whether this challenging situation points towards prioritising the maintenance of the gains achieved in the field of WPS since the passing of Security Council Resolution 1325, instead of pushing for progressive changes. It puts forward the argument that the current situation makes it more relevant and necessary than ever to apply a more comprehensive understanding of what gender entails and how it is integral to politics, conflicts and peace efforts. It is argued that this approach must form the basis for analyses of conflict situations, as well as for understanding the challenges that the WPS agenda currently faces. Hence, the promotion and utilisation of such an approach should be a priority for the WPS agenda in the years to come.
What's next for the Women, Peace and Security Agenda (WPS)?
2020 marks the 20th anniversary of Security Council Resolution 1325. But the important Women, Peace and Security agenda seem to have had a backlash in recent years.
Defending and renewing multilateralism: Estonia and Norway in the UN Security Council
What possibilities exist for Estonian-Norwegian bilateral cooperation in the United Nations Security Council?
Comments on Norwegian-Russian relations in the context of information on Russia's role in hacking of the Stortinget
Comments on Norwegian-Russian relations in the context of information on Russia's alleged role in hacking of the Stortinget on 24 August 2020 in TV2 Nyhetskanalen
The European Defence Fund and Norway
The establishment of the European Defence Fund (EDF) represents an important step towards a more coherent European security architecture. It is broadly recognised that Europe needs to reduce duplication between, as well as the number of, weapons systems and platforms. The EU recently opened up for associated countries to participate in the Fund, but the Norwegian government has failed to set aside money for the EDF, despite official policy to participate.
Europeanization of Georgia and the Eastern Partnership: Perceptions of Internal and External Actors
How do Georgians themselves, Russia, and the rest of Europe view Georgia’s goal of closer integration with the EU and NATO?
Shaping a New Africa-Europe Relationship for a post-Covid-19 global order
This collaborative project between NUPI, ACCORD and ECFR aims to stimulate and enrich the dialogue in Africa and Europe on the underlying geopolitical, Covid-19, peace and security and other key devel...
Offensive cyberoperasjoner: Den nye normalen?
Can states retaliate if they get digitally attacked in peace-time? What are states doing and what does international law say about this? What are the potential security implications of an eventual increase in the use of offensive cyber operations?
Complexities of Achieving Strategic Stability in Southern Asia: An Indian Perspective
The concept of strategic stability provides a framework for strengthening security in the nuclear age. This report explores the possibilities and constraints for achieving strategic stability in South Asia. The strained relationship between India, on the one hand, and Pakistan and China on the other makes it challenging to achieve such stability. Nevertheless, it is important to explore new options in a region that is frequently exposed to crises, and where some countries have nuclear weapons strategies that rely manipulating risks to bolster deterrence. The report discusses various measures that could weaken incentives for using nuclear weapons.