International Engagement in Sudan after the CPA : Report on the piloting of OECD/DAC's 'Principles for Good International Engagement in Fragile Sta...
[Abstract] The report analyses the international engagement in Sudan since the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in relation to the Principles for Good International Engagement in Fragile States and Situations, which the OECD/DAC is currently developing. The report concludes that donor coordination has been quite advanced in Sudan, with a number of innovative mechanisms tried out. Furthermore, there has been a concerted effort towards contributing to the building of the South Sudan state. This effort, however, has focused on building institutions from the top down in Juba, without a complementary emphasis on building legitimacy and the relations between state apparatus and society. Moreover, strengthening the relationship between the Government of National Unity and the Government of South Sudan has been given relatively less attention. In terms of peacebuilding, there are also challenges for international engagement. More could have been done to contribute to a short-term peace dividend, and perhaps also to support the implementation of the CPA. On the basis of the experiences of the case of Sudan, the OECD/DAC Principles are found to be very relevant for guiding international engagement.
The Power of the Draft: A Century of Changing Legitimacy of Norway’s Armed Forces
A Childhood Lost? The Challenges of Successful Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration of Child Soldiers: The Case of West Africa
[Abstract] After a conflict ends, there is a need to disarm, demobilise and reintegrate child soldiers into society. This report examines the challenges of achieving successful disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) of child soldiers, with reference to DDR processes in West Africa, and suggests how such problems can be overcome. The challenges posed by the DDR of child soldiers in West Africa are vast and complex. The disarmament and demobilisation phase involves a dilemma between the need to include as many child soldiers as possible in the DDR process (many whom do not carry weapons), with an often- conflicting need to collect as many weapons as possible. In the reintegration phase of DDR come the challenges of rehabilitating former child soldiers, both physically and psychologically; the difficulties of reuniting child soldiers with their families; and the difficulties of creating viable opportunities for demobilised child soldiers in a post-conflict society. It is argued that DDR can succeed only if it addresses the needs of all child soldiers, including those who circumvent the official process, child soldiers who demobilise as adults, and girl soldiers. Moreover, DDR has to address the broader regional implications of conflict; it should take local circumstances into consideration; be carried out within the context of wider post-conflict reconstruction and peace-building; and must address the needs of the entire community into which the former child soldier is to be reintegrated.
Words and Deeds : Russian Foreign Policy and Post-Soviet Secessionist Conflicts
[Abstract] The goal of this report is to examine Russia’s policy towards secessionist conflicts in the post-Soviet space. In order to better understand Russia’s policy choices in that sphere, the report addresses three key issues: the internal Russian debate on separatism as a security challenge in the post-Soviet space; Moscow’s policies with regard to international institutions, regimes and frameworks; and the rising security agenda of international terrorism. The report is divided into five sections. The first chapter briefly outlines the scope of the study. The second chapter presents a theoretical framework used to address the issue of Russian policy towards the secessionist conflicts. The third chapter contains a detailed case study of Russian policy towards the secessionist conflict between Moldova and Transdniester. The fourth analyses Russia’s policy towards the conflicts between Abkhazia and Georgia and South Ossetia and Georgia, while the fifth chapter presents authors’ conclusions. The theoretical framework chosen by the authors of this study derives from two major schools in IR theory – the liberal-institutional one, and the constructivist one. On the one hand they raise the traditional neo-liberal question of the validity of institutions in international relations; on the other hand they ask how the ability of institutional frameworks to address various problems is affected by the identities of the actors who interact in the institutional arena. The report addresses the issue of Russian policy towards the secessionist conflicts in the post-Soviet space designed and implemented by President Vladimir Putin’s administration. It departs from the OSCE Istanbul Summit in 1999, where agreements on the withdrawal of Russian forces from both Moldova and Georgia were reached. According to the Istanbul Pact, Russia was to withdraw its forces from these two countries in line with the CFE Treaty. At the same time, however, Russia has been playing an active part in the international community’s attempt at finding a viable solution to secessionist conflicts in the same areas. The report analyses how the Putin administration has framed the issue of secessionist conflicts and separatism in statements and doctrines and how this has influenced Russia’s policy towards the conflicts themselves and towards the institutions that are actively involved in the work on conflict resolution. In the authors view, Russia has since the early 1990s pursued an inconsistent and incoherent policy towards the separatist conflicts in the post-Soviet space. After having recognized the importance of separatism as a security challenge and threat within Russia and within the post-Soviet space, Russia has however chosen not to translate this approach into a viable and coherent policy towards these conflicts. Instead of pursuing a policy of unambiguous support for the territorial integrity of the states haunted by secessionist conflicts, Russia seems to have adopted a policy of playing the separatist card for its own purposes and has sought to maximize its geopolitical gains and retain some control in the areas that it deems important for the realization of its partly outdated geopolitical strategy. This policy may yield some short-term geopolitical gains, but in the longer term it may undermine Russia’s credibility as a predictable and serious international partner, as a ‘normal’ great power seeking its own new place on the recently redrawn global power map.
European Identity and Its Changing Others
Taking its clue from Finnish experiences with identity politics, this lecture introduces the concept of collective identity. Collective identity is about forging an acting ‘we’. It constitutes the polis, and is therefore basic to any politics. Constituting the polis is a relational act: the group in question constitutes itself by drawing up and maintaining boundaries towards other groups. Drawing on these insights, the bulk of the lecture discusses European identity in term of Europe’s relations to some of its constituting others. Pointing to the importance of not sealing itself off from its Muslim citizens and neighbours, the lecture ends with a plea for Turkish EU membership.
The political economy of Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR)
Selective literature review and preliminary agenda for research: Recent insights on war economies have important implications for disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR). This paper identifies an underlying dilemma of DDR: on the one hand, in order to convince warring factions to commit to peace, DDR strategies will have to offer significant incentives that in turn may entrench the factions’ economic and political standing. On the other hand, offering the armed factions important peacetime roles may jeopardise post-war economic reconstruction, perpetuate cycles of underdevelopment and risk entrenching instability. It is argued in the paper that while more insights are needed on how DDR can be improved, it is equally important to go one step further and identify the positive as well as negative consequences for the economy, the market and the state when attempts at comprehensive disarmament and reintegration of combatants are undertaken. The paper discusses key findings from the literature on political economy of armed conflict and suggests possible directions for new research.
Norges bistand til urfolk : En realitetsorientering
Denne rapporten ser nærmere på norsk bistand til urfolk. Rapporten tar utgangspunkt i Norads statistiske database over de prosjekter som har rapportert urfolk som hovedmålgruppe i perioden 1999–2005. Databasen viser omfanget av det som rapporteres som urfolksbistand, samt fordeling på kanaler (organisasjonstyper) og geografiske områder. For å vurdere om statistikken gjenspeiler reell støtte til urfolk, har vi sett nærmere på arkivdokumentasjonen for et utvalg av disse prosjektene. Arkivutvalget er på 228 prosjekter og representerer nesten 50 % av de utbetalte midlene i hele perioden, og utgjør altså rundt 935 millioner kroner. I denne arkivgjennomgangen har vi bare funnet dokumentasjon på at 19 % av midlene i utvalget kan sies å være støtte til urfolk. Dette utvalget representerer 174 millioner kroner, mens de resterende 761 millioner kronene enten er feilkategorisert, uklart definert eller dreier seg om prosjekter der det ikke ble funnet dokumentasjon. Hvis man ser bort fra de midlene som har gått til prosjekter hvor det ikke ble funnet dokumentasjon i arkivene (tilsvarende 363 millioner), utgjør dokumentert urfolksbistand 30,5 prosent av totalen på 571 millioner kroner. Det er altså antakelig et stort misforhold mellom de tallene som oppgis for urfolksstøtte og realiteten. I kartleggingen har vi ikke benyttet strenge kriterier for hva som regnes som urfolksbistand. Det betyr at tallene som presenteres i denne rapporten, i seg selv urovekkende nok, kan sees på som et «best case scenario». I verste fall kan den virkelige tilstanden i norsk urfolksbistand være verre. På denne bakgrunnen anbefales en større gjennomgang av urfolksstøtten slik at den kan kvalitetssikres og gjenspeile politiske prioriteringer og målsetninger. Tilgang til arkivdokumentasjon er en svært omfattende og tidkrevende prosess, og dokumentasjonen er mangelfull og spredt. Det er dermed en stor utfordring å etterprøve de statistiske tallene for utviklingsstøtten. Med bakgrunn i dette anbefales det at rapporteringssystemet for urfolksbistand kvalitetssikres bedre. Rapporten peker også på at bistandsapparatet opererer med kategoriseringer av urfolk og urfolksbistand som ikke er klare nok, dette gjelder særlig begrepet «integrert urfolksstøtte».