NORDEFCO in a different security environment: Time for new initiatives?
The project looks closer on Norway’s cooperation with the other Nordic countries, with a particular focus on Nordic Defence Cooperation (NORDEFCO)....
Norway: Small state in big energy politics
Should energy policies serve the nation, or the European community?
Upholding the NATO cyber pledge: What does cyber deterrence and cyber resilience mean for NATO and Norway?
The aim of this project is to explore how and to what extent deterrence works in cyberspace or whether a focus on resilience as the new strategic logic is the way forward....
Flinkest i klassen? Har Norge et politisk handlingsrom under EØS-avtalen?
(Available in Norwegian only): Når EØS-avtalen diskuteres er det lett å få inntrykk av at Norge med den har gitt opp muligheten til å forme egen politikk, og at den eneste måten å rette opp i dette på er å si den opp (eller bli medlem av EU, selv om dette argumentet er fraværende i dag). Denne virkelighetsoppfatningen utfordes her av professor Ole Gunnar Austvik, som viser til at det innenfor EØS-avtalen finnes et visst nasjonalt handlingsrom som Norge kan benytte seg av dersom viljen er tilstede. Det krever kunnskap og interesse – som all annen politikkutvikling.
PISM Policy Paper nr 4 (157): Squaring the Circle: Is a Balanced Deterrence and Dialogue Approach toward Russia Workable?
Dialogue between Russia and NATO is indispensable to limit the risk of unintended military confrontation amid increased tension. Without dialogue, Alliance cohesion is also at stake. To develop a balance between deterrence and dialogue, it is necessary to understand how the two actions relate to each other, what lessons the West can learn from the past, and what goals it wants to achieve apart from limiting the risk of confrontation.
Ytre Høyre, Foren Eder!
Ytre høyre forfekter nasjonalstaten, men er stadig mer internasjonale. Båndene er særlig sterke mellom bevegelser i USA og Russland.
EU gas supply security – the power of the importer
The chapter examines how the European Union can exert its market and regulatory power in its relations with key external energy suppliers. The focus is on the EU instrument toolbox and how various policy instruments have been used in relations with the main suppliers of gas to the Union. Due to the centrality of Russia and Norway to the EU’s gas supply and their different ways of relating to the Union in formal and regulatory terms, the chapter focuses on the impact EU market and regulatory power has had on the operations of these two actors. The chapter also presents some general conclusions on the effectiveness of the EU’s use of various policy instruments in relations with external suppliers of energy.
Adaptation for autonomy? Candidates for EU membership and the CFSP
This paper looks at the specific situation of those European states currently candidates for accession to the European Union. These countries are expected to align their domestic laws and policies with the EU “acquis” to fulfil the admission criteria. Foreign policy is no exception. Indeed, the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy has become an increasingly significant part of the accession conditionality since the countries from south-east Europe embarked on the membership course. Arguably, the obligation to adapt to EU norms in the area of CFSP is stronger for candidates than for existing members of the EU. As a result, candidates might eventually enjoy more foreign policy autonomy once inside the EU than they did before accession. There is a risk that this discrepancy between the requirements of pre-accession adaptation and the relative post-accession autonomy may have a negative impact on integration in the field of foreign policy.