Publications
Thailand: Improving the Business Climate for Renewable Energy Investment
Thailand is among ASEAN’s renewable energy leaders. It attracted more than USD 10.7 billion of investment in renewable energy from 2006 to 2018. The country’s total installed capacity of renewable energy represented over 60% of the total capacity of ASEAN in 2019. Renewables accounted for 15% of its energy mix in 2018, and a target of 30% in 2036 was set. Despite this, during 2018–2019, Thailand experienced relative stagnation in terms of attracted investment. We propose five actions that can improve the attractiveness of Thailand’s investment climate for renewable energy in both the short and long term: set up a dedicated ministry for governing renewables; expand and improve the regulatory framework; capitalise on its peer-to-peer energy trading experience; simplify market entry for foreign investors; build capacity for renewable energy governance.
In the shadow of the virus Varieties of power in the COVID-19 crisis in Venezuela
While all states face massive challenges when responding to COVID-19, some are in a more precarious position than others. In Venezuela, the pandemic arrived at the worst possible time for its citizens. Facing one of the deepest economic crises outside of wartime in recent years, its consequences have spilled over to all aspect of social life.1 However, the timing seems to have suited the leaders of the Venezuelan regime well. Rather than constituting a threat to the stability of a regime that has lost both democratic legitimacy and the capacity to provide services and security, the government of Nicolas Maduro (2013-present) has seemingly managed to consolidate itself after several years of instability. The starting point of the discussion is an apparent paradox: how can a regime with neither legitimacy nor capacity, two commonly invoked criteria for effective crisis management, strengthen itself during a crisis such as that spurred by COVID-19? The brief presents an overview of how the Venezuelan regime has responded to COVID-19, and how the government of Nicolás Maduro has applied different strategies to consolidate a favorable political status quo. It takes as its starting point three concepts, namely “state capacity,” “legitimacy,” and “power,” all of which are frequently upheld as fundamental for understanding the varying ways in which states have responded to the pandemic. It highlights how relative power relations have shifted in recent years, and how the pandemic has contributed to skewing the balance of power further in favor of the Maduro government.
Digitale trusler blir kinkig for Norge i Sikkerhetsrådet
(Op-ed in Norwegian): De fleste land rangerer trusler via det digitale rom som en av de største utfordringene for det 21. århundret. På tross av dette har tematikken knapt vært nevnt i FNs sikkerhetsråd. Hva kommer det av? Og kan Norge gjøre noe med det? spør Niels Nagelhus Schia og Erik Kursetgjerde i denne DN-kronikken.
Russia’s view of Georgia: a NATO proxy yet again?
After the crises in Ukraine, and despite the Georgian government’s allegedly more pragmatic attitude towards Russia, official statements from Moscow increasingly project Georgia as hostile. This may be the result of the Kremlin stepping up a propaganda campaign to put pressure on Georgia, but it is also linked to growing perceptions of Georgia as becoming an agent of NATO. Moreover, Russia’s increasingly insistent rhetorical and practical support for the independent status of the two Georgian breakaway republics, Abkhazia and South Ossetia, is still framed with reference to Kosovo as a tit-for-tat in a conflict with the West. In parallel with this hardening in Russian views, there is hardly any diplomatic contact between Russia and Georgia. The regional multilateral frameworks have become dysfunctional, obstructed by polarization. Further Georgian NATO integration could entail an increasing risk of war, unless frank discussions and engagement with Russia can be promoted.
Customs brokers as intermediaries in international trade
Recent studies suggest that intermediaries like merchants facilitate international trade by reducing fixed trade costs for producers that trade through them instead of exporting or importing directly. This study argues that customs brokers–a type of intermediary rarely studied in economics before–play a similar role by reducing fixed costs of clearing goods through customs for firms that use them instead of selfdeclaring. Using panel data of Norwegian trade transactions, the paper shows that the majority of manufacturing producers participating in international trade use such brokers, and that the brokers typically handle large trade values on behalf of several different produces. In an econometric analysis, the author finds that the share of a producer’s market specific trade that is self-declared rather than handled by brokers increases with the traded value. This is in line with predictions from theoretical models on trade intermediaries and holds after controlling for observed as well as unobserved factors at the producer, country and product level. Results are similar for exporting and importing, indicating that brokers facilitate both modes of trade.
Utenlandsinvesteringer i sjømatnæringen og norsk tilknytning til EU
This chapter discusses foreign direct investments in the seafood industry and the Norwegian relationship with the EU. While ownership in harvesting is mainly national, the aguaculture industry is characterised by multinational firms. Norway and many EU countries alike, have regulations that limit foreign ownership in harvesting. There is no such regulations in processing or in aquaculture. Alternative trade agreements between Norway and the EU may influence on foreign direct investments in the fishery industries.
Managing a digital revolution: cyber security capacity building in Myanmar
Digitalization is exposing developing countries to a growing number of risks as well as opportunities associated with connecting to the Internet. Myanmar stands out as a critical case of both the pitfalls and the benefits Internet connection can bring. Amidst a political transition from military rule to a functioning democracy Myanmar is adding ICT to key areas like banking and e-government. Having been one of the least connected countries in the world only five years ago the country is now connecting to the Internet at an unprecedented pace, with few institutions in place to ensure the transition goes smoothly. The rapid expansion of Internet connectivity is connecting ever more people to an international world of business, discourse, and entertainment, but also crime, subterfuge, and discord. A crucial aspect for development in the years to come will be the harnessing of the benefits, as well as mitigating the downsides that inherently follow in the wake of Internet access (Schia, 2018). In this chapter, we examine the risks and potential benefits of Myanmar’s embracement of digital technologies.
Risikovurderingsverktøy mot terrorisme og ekstremisme: Erfaringer fra kriminalomsorgen i Nederland, Storbritannia, og Sverige
Spesialiserte verktøy for å vurdere enkeltpersoners risiko for å bli innblandet i terrorisme og voldelig ekstremisme har blitt en sentral del av mange europeiske lands antiterrorarbeid. Denne rapporten gir en oversikt over tre lands ulike beslutninger om å ta i bruk ett av de to mest veletablerte verktøyene brukt i Europa for å vurdere individuell risiko for terrorisme. Både Nederland og Sverige bruker VERA-2R (Violent Extremism Risk Assessment, andre og reviderte versjon) til å vurdere risiko blant innsatte i fengsler, mens Storbritannia benytter ERG22+ (Extremism Risk Guidelines 22+) for det samme formålet. Rapporten ser på hvorfor landene satte i gang med spesialisert vurdering av risiko for terrorisme, belyser de tidlige erfaringer med implementeringen av disse, og peker på noen viktige valg tatt underveis. Rapportens siste del skisserer viktige lærdommer fra hver av de tre landene og analyserer dem i lys av den fortsatt sparsomme forskningslitteraturen på spesialisert terrorismerelatert risikovurdering.
Performance of Peace Operations
How should we assess and improve the performance of peace operations? This is the topic of the third dialogue strand of VCAF20. UN peace operations are under growing pressure to increase performance and enhance mandate delivery. This background paper assesses recent research into the effectiveness and performance of peace operations and new UN initiatives for internal monitoring, evaluation and related data management systems.
Kristne først
When the Norwegian Progress Party Frp argues for prioritising the protection of Christians, they are following in the footsteps of the national right in the US, Europe and Russia.