Publications
Identification and physical disconnect in Russian foreign policy: Georgia as a Western proxy once again?
Evolving official Russian identifications of Georgia amount to a dangerous securitisation of this small neighbour – achieved through a focus not on Georgia itself but on Western engagement in the region. With the long absence of face-to-face diplomatic encounters and contact, the Russian idea of Georgia as a ‘Western proxy’ has become entrenched. This article advances a social explanation of Russian foreign policy that speaks to geopolitical explanations in foregrounding great power interaction and security by drawing on insights from a discourse-theoretical reading of securitisation theory. It adds value to social explanations by showing how the identification of another political entity can be changed into that of a ‘proxy’ through its integration into a larger ‘radically different other’, and how this expansion occurs in interplay with interpretations of physical manifestations of the larger ‘radically different other’ in the ‘proxy’. Finally, it draws attention to the impact of physical encounters on foreign policy in these times of COVID-19, war, and growing isolationism in world affairs.
Making Sense of the European Side of the Transatlantic Security Relations in Africa
This article aims to investigate the character of transatlantic security relations in Africa: How can it be characterized? Have they become weaker or stronger over the past decade? How can this development be explained? As NATO has not yet been heavily engaged on the African continent, it is prudent to study the relations between the EU and the US. Africa has been of concern to the EU (and its member states) for decades due to its geographical closeness and historic bonds. Since 2001, for both Europe and the US, Africa has become a region of increasing security concern due to the threat of international terrorism—for Europe, we can also add the migration concern. The European side of this relationship has also been largely dominated by France, making the transatlantic security cooperation in Africa essentially about French-American relations. As France has taken the lead regarding Europe’s security and defense engagement in Africa, increasingly with the support of other EU member states and associated non-members, this bilateral relationship is more than simply cooperation between two states. By applying a framework that understands EU security and defense policy as a process increasingly characterized as a differentiated and flexible integration under French leadership, the development of the Franco-US security relations in Africa must be understood as an expression of the transatlantic security relations in this region.
L’architecture de sécurité intérieure burkinabé face à la gestion d’une crise multidimensionnelle
The military response has been the main focus to address the multidimensional crisis that the Sahel has been going through since 2012. However, it is equally important to look at the internal security forces' role in addressing insecurity. In this regard, Burkina Faso represents a particularly interesting field of lessons. Faced with the spillover of the Malian crisis on its soil and the emergence of endogenous violence, Burkina Faso is faced with substantial security challenges. Therefore, the country has been forced to rethink its approaches to defence policy, fight against terrorism and sub-regional security, and its conception of public security in a context where threats are now both local and external. Community policing has been placed at the core of Burkina Faso’s security approach.
5G-sikkerhet: Norge mellom stormaktene
The chapter discusses how 5G became a security issue, and how Norway has navigated
More bark than bite? Assessing China’s coercive measures in Scandinavia
Amid growing concern about Chinese coercion, this article examines the extent to which Beijing has resorted to such measures in Scandinavia based on case studies of Denmark and Sweden. Distinguishing between the actual use of and threats of using coercive measures, the article finds few instances of coercion even if Chinese authorities have repeatedly warned of negative consequences of violating China’s interests in the case of Sweden, while frequently expressing anger and frustration at perceived provocations by the Danish government or NGOs. However, as relations between Norway and China have also recently deteriorated, the risks of Norway being subjected to Chinese coercion should be assessed in a broader geographical context given an increasing number of reported cases from other regions.
The Politics of Third Countries in EU Security and Defence: Norway, Brexit and Beyond
This book examines security and defence cooperation between the EU and third countries, in particular the United Kingdom and Norway. Brexit has placed the question of third-party engagement firmly back in the spotlight, especially given the UK’s significance as a security and defence actor, and the failure of both sides to agree terms for cooperation in this area. The book explains why the seemingly obvious need for cooperation and shared strategic interests alone does not lead to frictionless cooperation or integration between the EU and like-minded third countries. Adding a theoretical and conceptual depth to what is still largely an empirical topic, it draws important conclusions about the possibilities and limits of European security and defence cooperation during challenging times. It also raises key questions about the nature and suitability of the pre-existing security and defence architecture in Europe, and the place of non-EU members within it. The book will appeal to academics and students interested in European politics, EU security, and security and defence studies.
Debatten: Hva betyr en NATO-utvidelse?
(This programme is in Norwegian): Per Erik Solli on what Swedish and Finnish NATO membership will entail.
Luftmaktseminar
Seminar on air power at the Swedish Defence University, organized by The Royal Swedish Academy of War Sciences.
Climate, Peace and Security: Sudan
Sudan is severely exposed to climate change. As one of the world’s least developed countries, extreme weather, recurrent floods and droughts, and changing precipitation interact with other vulnerabilities – such as ecosystem degradation, unsustainable agricultural practices, natural resource scarcities and resource-based conflicts – limiting societal capacities to cope and adapt. The economic consequences of COVID-19, ongoing political instability (further aggravated by the October 2021 military coup), and rising inflation all weaken state and societal resilience, livelihoods and food security. ● Rising temperatures, rainfall variability, and droughts and floods negatively impact agriculture, livelihoods and food security. In particular, the adverse effects of climate change, combined with gender-based disparities in natural resource governance, accentuate the climate-related security risks for women and girls. ● High levels of displacement sharpen humanitarian needs and vulnerability to the effects of climate change; shifting migration patterns in response to changing resource availability may increase the risk of local conflicts in some areas. ● Various conflict dynamics and decades of political interference, local conflicts (interlinked with land and natural resources) and ongoing political instability have undermined traditional resource management systems and state governance. ● The legacies of natural resource mismanagement have increased the marginalisation of rural communities and accelerated land degradation, excacerbating local vulnerabilities that add to the human security risks associated with climate change.