Researcher
Helge Blakkisrud
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Summary
Helge Blakkisrud’s main research interests include Russian federalism and centre–region relations, in particular, the development of the institution of governors. Research interests also include Russia's High North/Arctic policy, nationality policy and Russian nationalism, as well as processes of state-building and nation-building in Eurasia, especially in Eurasian de facto states.
Blakkisrud is editor of Nordisk Østforum, a Nordic peer-reviewed journal for Russian and East European studies.
He has been a guest lecturer at the OSCE Academy, Bishkek, since 2008. In 2009–2010, he was a Fulbright Visiting Fellow at UC Berkeley.
Expertise
Education
1996- PhD-programme (Political Science), University of Oslo
1995 Cand.Polit. (Political Science) from University of Oslo. Dissertation: De russiske minoritetene i Estland og Latvia. Minoriteters responsstrategier ved endrede rammebetingelser
Work Experience
1995 Senior Research Fellow/Head of Research Group on Russia, Asia and International Trade, NUPI
2018- Part time position, Norwegian University Centre, St Petersburg
1995- OSCE Election Observer (various elections in Russia, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Ukraine and Bosnia-Herzegovina)
1994- Editor in Chief, Nordisk Østforum (Nordic Journal of East European and Post-Soviet Studies
1994 Member of the CSSE Mission in Latvia. Leader of the Mission's mobile team
Aktivitet
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De Facto States and Land-for-Peace Agreements: Territory and Recognition at Odds?
Sovereignty conflicts are inevitably linked to geography. Can there be geographical solutions to secessionist conflicts, which are caught between two principles at cross purposes: the principle of self-determination (defended by de facto states) and the principle of territorial integrity (defended by parent states)?
Mixed Signals: What Putin Says about Gender Equality
Researchers on Russia have noticed that Putin gradually has adopted a more conservative agenda, especially as regards gender issues. But is this reflected in the Russian president's own rhetoric?
Belarus: At the Height of Mobilisation and Repression
Nine months after the massive political protests started as a reaction to the 2020 presidential elections, this webinar examines the state of the political crisis in Belarus.
Trade and trust: the role of trade in de facto state conflict transformation
De facto states – unrecognized secessionist entities that eke out a living on the margins of the international system – are often heavily dependent on external patron states for economic aid and investment. When the parent state – the state that the de facto state seeks to break away from – responds to the secessionist attempt by imposing sanctions or economic blockades, this further exacerbates such dependency. Moreover, due to their lack of international recognition, de facto states often have limited opportunities to engage with the outside world beyond the patron and the parent state. However, closer examination of one such de facto state, Abkhazia, reveals that de facto states can enjoy some bounded independent economic agency. Abkhazia’s maneuvering between Russia as “patron,” Georgia as “parent state,” and the wider international community (here exemplified by the EU) in the sphere of trade and economic interaction has important implications for de-facto state conflict transformation.
Navigating de facto statehood: trade, trust, and agency in Abkhazia's external economic relations
What opportunities and trade-offs do de facto states encounter in developing economic ties with the outside world? This article explores the complex relationship between trade and trust in the context of contested statehood. Most de facto states are heavily dependent on an external patron for economic aid and investment. However, we challenge the widespread assumption that de facto states are merely hapless pawns in the power-play of their patrons. Such an approach fails to capture the conflict dynamics involved. Drawing on a case study of Abkhazia, we explore how this de facto state navigates between its "patron" Russia, its "parent state" Georgia, and the EU. The conflict transformation literature has highlighted the interrelationship between trust and trade – but how does this unfold in the context of continued nonrecognition and contested statehood? Does trade serve to facilitate trust and hence prospects for conflict transformation? With Abkhazia, we find scant correlation between trust and trade: in the absence of formal recognition, trade does not necessarily facilitate trust. However, the interrelationship between trade, trust, and recognition proves more complex than expected: we find less trust in the patron and more trade with the parent than might have been anticipated.
Doubling Down on Arctic Diplomacy
What impact will the new Biden administration have on Arctic politics? While the Arctic as a region is not likely to figure as feature in the 100-day plan of a new Biden presidency, there are reasons to expect some key changes for the region.
Doubling Down on Arctic Diplomacy
The Arctic looms large in the popular consciousness as a potential new theatre of conflict. But the real risk is that the consuming politics of great power rivalry will deflect attention from the real progress of diplomacy and the everyday work of Arctic governance. This op-ed outlines three key areas that merit greater diplomatic attention and could pay dividends in reducing the impact of great power competition on the rapidly changing Arctic.
Slow Stagnation, Sudden Revolution? Post-Covid-19 Prospects for Political Change in Russia and Belarus
The Covid-19 pandemic and the impending economic crisis may exacerbate instability in Belarus and Russia. To reduce the risks of regional instability and help to prepare for a possible transition of power, the international community should continue its support for democratic initiatives in the region. To better understand and predict future political development, close and nuanced knowledge of Russian and Belarusian societies is necessary. Monitoring and academic research should therefore be encouraged. In the case of a transition, the international community should demand free and fair elections. It should also issue strong and clear statements against foreign interference and consistently react to any violations of sovereignty.
The spiralling effects of the Sino-American trade war
Almost two years ago, China and the United States instigated a trade conflict which has had serious international effects, a situation since exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic. What has truly made a solution to this conflict elusive, however, is that its origins lie well beyond questions of trade deficits and fair competition, and are instead based on the looming question of a power transition between to the two states. The effects of this divergence are beginning to be observed in several economic realms, including the financial and the technological. Many other actors in the global economy have begun to experience the side effects of this completion, and may now have to face difficult choices about how to balance between these two emerging poles in the current fragile global economy.
Governing the Arctic: The Russian State Commission for Arctic Development and the Forging of a New Domestic Arctic Policy Agenda
After a period of relative neglect in the 1990s and early 2000s, the Arctic is back on the agenda of the Russian authorities. To ensure efficient coordination and implementation of its Arctic strategy, the government in 2015 established a State Commission for Arctic Development. It was to serve as a platform for coordinating the implementation of the government’s ambitious plans for the Arctic, for exchange of information among Arctic actors, and for ironing out interagency and interregional conflicts. Based on a case study of the State Commission for Arctic Development, this article has a twofold goal. First, it explores the current Russian domestic Arctic agenda, mapping key actors and priorities and examining the results achieved so far. Second, it discusses what this case study may tell us the about policy formulation and implementation in Russia today. We find that while the government’s renewed focus on the Arctic Zone has yielded some impressive results, the State Commission has been at best a mixed success. The case study demonstrates how, in the context of authoritarian modernization, the Russian government struggles to come up with effective and efficient institutions for Arctic governance. Moreover, the widespread image of a Russian governance model based on a strictly hierarchic "power vertical" must be modified. Russia’s Arctic policy agenda is characterized by infighting and bureaucratic obstructionism: even when Putin intervenes personally, achieving the desired goals can prove difficult.