Norge bør være en tydeligere stemme
If Norway wins a seat in the UN Security Council a firm voice and alternative alliances is needed in order to achieve central objectives.
FN 75 år
In 2020, the UN marks its 75th anniversary. In this programme (around 1,20 into the programme) we take a historical look at the establishment of the UN; what the UN has achieved during this period, as well as challenges ahead.
Sluttspurt for Norge. Kjemper om plass i Sikkerhetsrådet
Forskningsassistent Jenny Nortvedt og Utenriksminister Ine Eriksen Søreide om Norges kandidatur til FNs sikkerhetsråd og småstaters mulige innflytelse.
Norge holder pusten foran FN-avgjørelse
Norge ruster seg til den aller siste innspurten i kampen om et sete i FNs sikkerhetsråd. Å tape blir et antiklimaks, fastslår forsker.
Politisk Kvarter - Norge vil inn i FNs Sikkerhetsråd, men hvorfor?
(Interview in Norwegian): NUPI-forsker Niels Nagelhus Schia og Utenriksminister Ine Marie Eriksen Søreide om det norske kandidaturet til FNs Sikkerhetsråd, hvorfor er dette interessant for Norge? Hvilke dilemmaer vil Norge møte i forhold til stormaktene? Hvilke land konkurrerer Norge med?
Kjemper om en plass i FNs Sikkerhetsråd
Wednesday 17 June 2020 we will know if Norway gets one of the two available seats that we are fighting for in the UN Security Council. What does this involve and why should Norway sit around the horseshoe table? Senior researcher Niels Nagelhus Schia was interviewed about this on NRK News.
On the Double Exceptionalism of Liberal States
This chapter deals with dilemmas of current European Security Politics in relation to freedom of speech and liberal values more broadly, in what I call the ‘double exceptionalism’ of liberal security policy. Empirically, I focus on the Norwegian balance after the terrorist attack on 22 July 2011. The political foundation of West European societies is based in part on a set of liberal political values, whereby freedom of speech is central. As a value, it is seen as foundational to who “we” as members of a nation are, exemplified through a speech the Norwegian Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg gave in response to the attack: “With the strongest of all of the weapons of the world, the free word and democracy, we will find the course for Norway after 22 July 2011”. At the time, the rhetorical response was applauded by commentators as an exemplary alternative to the typical security-centric response of governments to terrorist attacks. When faced with internal security dilemmas, the response from liberal-democratic states is typically to either enter into a “state of exception”, where some of the normal governing rules no longer apply, or where the laws are altered to enable non-liberal policies. The period after 9/11 and the increased focus on preventive security has been marked by a systematic role-back of liberal values in European societies, justified with the overarching need to protect lives first, values second. Since liberal values are seen as foundational attributes of the state, illiberal actions do not alter their liberal self-perception. This is the double exceptionalism of liberal states: the exceptionalism to transgress law and “normal politics”, and the exceptionalism to not let that transgression alter the identity one has construed as a liberal polity. This chapter discusses these dilemmas in the Norwegian, and how Norwegian governments dealt with the tension of differing logics between liberal identity and the politics of security.
Spaces and Institutional Logics in Post-Conflict Settings of Mitrovica
Spaces structure interactions between communities in post-conflict settings. They are governed by particular institutional logics, which can foster boundary building and boundary transgression. This article proposes an extended version of the concept of ‘everyday peace’ including a focus not only on micro-level individual actorness in social interactions but also on an important meso- level dimension in the analysis of social behaviour and variation in institutional logics governing spaces where social interactions take place. We apply these concepts to the study of perceptions and practices around bridges in Mitrovica in Kosovo.
Female Peacekeepers and Operational Effectiveness in UN Peace Operations.
More women are needed in UN peace operations, both on the grounds of equality and performance. March 2020 survey data and empirical evidence from the Effectiveness of Peace Operations Network (EPON) highlight the importance of greater gender parity in UN peace operations for missions to successfully achieve their mandated tasks, stressing also the impact of context-specific obstacles and how the absence of enabling and supportive systems means that neither male nor female peacekeepers can perform at their best. Survey findings also point to the risk that the women, peace and security (WPS) agenda – including gender equality in peacekeeping operations – may be treated as a second-tier concern if set against other pressing issues. In the midst of the current COVID-19 pandemic and an evolving global recession– this risk is intensified. A continued political and financial commitment to increasing numbers is a prerequisite for achieving greater gender parity and equality. However, in terms of discourse, we need to move beyond having to prove the added value of female participation, which places an extra burden on those concerned.
Unity in Goals, Diversity in Means - and the discourse on female peacekeepers in UN peace operations.
Gender parity at all levels in the UN, as a means towards gender equality, is a two-decades old commitment, reflecting core values as old as the UN itself. Despite this, progress on increasing the number of female peacekeepers has been slow and uneven, particularly in uniformed roles – but also in peace processes. This is due to a number of reasons, but in particular a lack of political will, financing and accountability, and resistance to gender equality. We argue that a paradigm shift is needed, both on performance diversity grounds but also on normative equality grounds. To implement already agreed upon benchmarks and resolutions, the UN and its member states need to focus more on the operational value of diversity in fulfilling the tasks at hand, both for national security forces and in peace operations. Gender should be considered a central component in this required diversity. In the current situation where we witness a pushback on support to women’s rights; ensuring diversity should not only be considered a key priority, but also a national and international security imperative.