The political economy of Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR)
Selective literature review and preliminary agenda for research: Recent insights on war economies have important implications for disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR). This paper identifies an underlying dilemma of DDR: on the one hand, in order to convince warring factions to commit to peace, DDR strategies will have to offer significant incentives that in turn may entrench the factions’ economic and political standing. On the other hand, offering the armed factions important peacetime roles may jeopardise post-war economic reconstruction, perpetuate cycles of underdevelopment and risk entrenching instability. It is argued in the paper that while more insights are needed on how DDR can be improved, it is equally important to go one step further and identify the positive as well as negative consequences for the economy, the market and the state when attempts at comprehensive disarmament and reintegration of combatants are undertaken. The paper discusses key findings from the literature on political economy of armed conflict and suggests possible directions for new research.
Norges bistand til urfolk : En realitetsorientering
Denne rapporten ser nærmere på norsk bistand til urfolk. Rapporten tar utgangspunkt i Norads statistiske database over de prosjekter som har rapportert urfolk som hovedmålgruppe i perioden 1999–2005. Databasen viser omfanget av det som rapporteres som urfolksbistand, samt fordeling på kanaler (organisasjonstyper) og geografiske områder. For å vurdere om statistikken gjenspeiler reell støtte til urfolk, har vi sett nærmere på arkivdokumentasjonen for et utvalg av disse prosjektene. Arkivutvalget er på 228 prosjekter og representerer nesten 50 % av de utbetalte midlene i hele perioden, og utgjør altså rundt 935 millioner kroner. I denne arkivgjennomgangen har vi bare funnet dokumentasjon på at 19 % av midlene i utvalget kan sies å være støtte til urfolk. Dette utvalget representerer 174 millioner kroner, mens de resterende 761 millioner kronene enten er feilkategorisert, uklart definert eller dreier seg om prosjekter der det ikke ble funnet dokumentasjon. Hvis man ser bort fra de midlene som har gått til prosjekter hvor det ikke ble funnet dokumentasjon i arkivene (tilsvarende 363 millioner), utgjør dokumentert urfolksbistand 30,5 prosent av totalen på 571 millioner kroner. Det er altså antakelig et stort misforhold mellom de tallene som oppgis for urfolksstøtte og realiteten. I kartleggingen har vi ikke benyttet strenge kriterier for hva som regnes som urfolksbistand. Det betyr at tallene som presenteres i denne rapporten, i seg selv urovekkende nok, kan sees på som et «best case scenario». I verste fall kan den virkelige tilstanden i norsk urfolksbistand være verre. På denne bakgrunnen anbefales en større gjennomgang av urfolksstøtten slik at den kan kvalitetssikres og gjenspeile politiske prioriteringer og målsetninger. Tilgang til arkivdokumentasjon er en svært omfattende og tidkrevende prosess, og dokumentasjonen er mangelfull og spredt. Det er dermed en stor utfordring å etterprøve de statistiske tallene for utviklingsstøtten. Med bakgrunn i dette anbefales det at rapporteringssystemet for urfolksbistand kvalitetssikres bedre. Rapporten peker også på at bistandsapparatet opererer med kategoriseringer av urfolk og urfolksbistand som ikke er klare nok, dette gjelder særlig begrepet «integrert urfolksstøtte».
Implementing Human Rights Norms : A Case Study of Russia's Partial Compliance to ECHR Protocol No. 6
In December 1991, Russia started down the road of its post-Soviet existence. The re-emergence of Russia as a separate, independent entity compelled the state to come to terms with its revived national identity. Russia’s relationship with the West lay at the core of the challenge to define what Russia is and how it should relate to the outside world. Opinion divided over whether Russia should rapidly integrate with Europe and “return to the civilized community of nations” or whether it should seek “a strengthening of Russia’s positions in the East” and rather pursue its unique mission as a mediator between the East and West. Against this backdrop I have analysed Russia’s membership in the Council of Europe (CoE) and Russia’s partial compliance to the European Convention on the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR) Protocol No. 6, which refer to the abolishment of the death penalty in peacetime. Employing constructivist insights, I argue that this partial compliance is explained by the lack of a coherent and widely accepted national identity. Due to different perceptions of Russia’s identity among various state actors, identities collide, and interests, and consequently action, will be in a competing and conflictual relationship to each other. Thus, norm compliance is challenged when identities overlap and their norms conflict. This, I argue, is evident in Russia’s relationship with the European ideational community and the country’s dealing with the death penalty issue. The more Russian state actors value the European identity of their state, the more they will seek to comply with “European” norms, such as the strong European abolitionist norm, and vice versa. In my analysis, I also discuss whether it is right to completely dismiss rational explanations to Russia’s partial compliance. In this way I bring my case into the midst of the rational–constructivist debate in International Relations theory. Contributing to this debate, I investigate whether an either-or approach is the most productive way of explaining Russia’s ideational behaviour or whether rational and constructivist assumptions combined may shed new light on how to understand Russian compliance with international human rights norms or the lack of such.
Utenlandsinvesteringer i fiskeri- og havbruksnæringen - resultater fra en spørreundersøkelse
Notatet gjengir en undersøkelse blant norske fiskeribedrifters investeringer i utlandet. Undersøkelsen er basert på dybdeintervjuer med 10 bedrifter. Bedriftene omfatter store konsern og små bedrifter innenfor flere deler av fiskerisektoren. Svarene i undersøkelsen peker i retning av at markedsadgang er et vesentlig motiv for norske fiskeribedrifters investeringer i andre land. I noen sammenhenger er dette kombinert med motiver om billig arbeidskraft og om tilgang til fiskeressurser. Undersøkelsen viser også at bedrifter både driver oppkjøp av eksisterende bedrifter og investeringer i ny produksjon. Teknologiske faktorer, som at norske bedrifter er spesielt konkurransedyktige på sine felt, bidrar også til investeringer i andre land. I fiskerisektoren er politiske reguleringer mer omfattende enn i mange andre næringer. Derfor skjer utenlandsinvesteringer i denne næringen i hovedsak innenfor oppdrett og fiskeforedling, og i mindre grad i fiske. Det norske virkemiddelapparatet for norsk næringsliv har bare i begrenset grad hatt betydning for de bedriftene som har deltatt i undersøkelsen.
Child soldiers: Reasons for variation in their rate of recruitment and standards of welfare
Why do some children voluntarily join while other children are forced to join military organization in situations of conflict, and why do the organizations recruit them? How is the actual number of children determined? These are the questions raised in this paper. To address them the author draws on results and ideas from three independent lines of research; One dealing with child labour in general, another with the study of conflicts and the third with children’s decision-making powers based on child psychology.
Review of the Norwegian Program for Indigenous Peoples in Guatemala
The present review was commissioned in order to assess how the current project portfolio of the Norwegian Indigenous Peoples Program in Guatemala corresponds to the approved strategy, and to develop more concrete recommendations for the implementation of this strategy. The review concludes that while this strategy continues to be valid, it has not been followed in the selection of partner organizations and projects supported. A number of the projects fall completely outside of the thematic areas of the strategy, and as a whole the portfolio appears fragmented and unfocused. Recommendations include tighter adherence to the thematic concentration of the strategy, closer attention to the potential for having strategic impacts when selecting partner organizations, and the introduction of multiyear funding for the stronger of these organizations.
Trade Openness and Economic Growth : Do Institutions Matter?
Do lower policy-induced barriers to international trade promote economic growth in countries with poorly developed institutions? Several studies have found a general and positive relationship between trade openness and growth on average, but many of them are marred by methodological shortcomings and considerable unexplained variation in the results. I propose that good institutions of conflict management are a contingent and mediating factor that can help to explain data heterogeneity. Without such institutions, countries that integrate with world markets become vulnerable to external shocks, possibly unleashing domestic conflicts and uncertainty detrimental to growth. This hypothesis is given empirical support by analysing an interaction variable between openness and institutions, integrated in a growth regression for a sample of 94 countries. The interaction variable is positive, significant and robust to a standard list of control variables. For countries with the least developed institutions of conflict management, greater openness is ceteris paribus found to reduce growth rates. The results reveal the inadequacies of a ‘one size fits all’ approach to trade liberalisation, and indicate that complementary institutional reforms may be necessary if a country is to reap the full growth effects of openness.
Sistani, the United States and Politics in Iraq : From Quietism to Machiavellianism?
This paper discusses the two prevailing interpretations of the political attitudes of the Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the leading Shiite cleric in Iraq today. It is argued that neither the traditional “quietist” paradigm nor more recent Machiavellian interpretations can satisfactorily explain Sistani’s actions. An alternative interpretation is offered which highlights Sistani’s historical oscillation between passive and activist positions. It is suggested that, after an activist intermezzo from June 2003 to December 2004, Sistani has reverted to a more secluded role, again showing an increasing reluctance to fulfil the wishes of his many wooers in Iraqi politics, and limiting his interference to matters directly connected with the Shiite faith and its institutions. It is concluded that Sistani’s professional interests as a cleric – rather than any constant desire on his part to control and manipulate domestic politics – may be the key to understanding any future intervention in the political process in Iraq. Scepticism is also expressed toward the notion of Sistani as a guarantor for a “moderate” or “secular” Iraqi political system that would supposedly be fundamentally different from that of Iran – an idea that has featured prominently in policy-making circles in the United States and in other Western countries currently involved in Iraq.
A Study of Civil Society in Nicaragua
NORAD has commissioned this study as an input to analyzing governance issues in Nicaragua. The report analyzes current civil society in Nicaragua as the product of the developments over the last decades. The sphere is dominated by a set of highly visible, professional and active NGOs – partly because of the strength of these organizations, partly because of weaknesses of other types of organizations. Unions are fragmented, private sector organizations tend to focus on sector demands, social movements are relatively non-existent, and community-based organizations are oriented towards local concerns. While Nicaraguan civil society remains politically polarized – although less so than 10-15 years ago – there are relatively advanced examples of coordination among the organizations. State – civil society relations are gradually changing as new spaces for consultations are being institutionalized and the organizations are becoming more oriented towards lobbying. Still, there is considerable way to go before these new spaces function according to intentions. The fact that civil society is dominated by NGOs – which are not membership-based – means that issues of representation and accountability pose a key challenge for Nicaraguan civil society.
WTO-forhandlingene om markedsadgang for industrivarer og fisk (NAMA)
Notatet gir en oversikt over forhandlingene om markedsadgang for industrivarer i WTO, herunder fisk. I WTO forhandles om øvre grenser for tollen, såkalt bundet toll, mens landene i praksis kan ha lavere anvendt toll. 60-70% av tollen for industrivarer og fisk er bundet på verdensbasis. For et land midt på treet er bundet toll for fisk gjennomsnittlig 34%, mens den anvendte tollen er 14%. Det må derfor betydelige tollreduksjoner til for at anvendt toll skal bli mye redusert. U-landenes andel av verdenshandelen med industrivarer har økt kraftig de senere år, og noe av denne eksporten møter høy toll. U-landene står også for mer enn halvparten av verdenseksporten av fisk. Norsk sjømateksport står i dag overfor en tollbelastning på 1.1-1.4 milliarder NOK, og en vellykket WTO-runde kan kanskje bety at 3-400 millioner av dette forsvinner. På kort sikt er gevinstene størst i store og etablerte eksportmarkeder, men på sikt kan WTO-liberalisering bidra til at nye eksportmarkeder blir tilgjengelige.