Publications
European Union Crisis: An Introduction
What is the impact of crisis on European Union (EU) integration? This chapter unpacks the concept of crisis and ways to conceptualize it. We outline three conceptual scenarios on the EU’s putative response to crisis and subsequently apply them in all chapters of the volume. The chapter sums up the key findings from different parts of the Handbook on the impact of crisis on EU policies and institutions, as well as the applicability of existing theories. The volume finds overall that the EU has been surprisingly resilient in the face of crises due to its ability to adapt and absorb, and if necessary, change, in response to crisis. The chapter also discusses the EU’s responses to democratic challenges and their broader implications for our wider understanding of the EU polity.
EU–US Relations in Times of Crises
In light of the crises discussed in this volume, and US foreign policy shifts under Donald Trump and beyond, scholars and observers have started questioning the viability of the transatlantic relationship and the liberal order more broadly, including its implications for Europe. This chapter asks how crises have affected EU–US relations and what, if any, has been the impact of changing transatlantic relations on EU foreign policy integration. We discuss the transatlantic partners’ increasingly diverging foreign policy orientations following a changing US focus and geopolitical environment. We also examine how the new transnational cleavage influences contemporary and future EU–US relations. We find evidence in support of a weaker EU–US relationship. Findings also suggest that the EU mainly has become more unified in response to this crisis in transatlantic relations.
How War Becomes Acceptable: Russian re-phrasing of Chechnya
This dissertation investigates how violence against a given territory or group of people becomes acceptable to leaders and their publics. Some wars are launched only reluctantly, and support dwindles once the high human costs are revealed. Others, however, are undertaken with a sense of urgency and righteousness. The brute violence employed appears not only acceptable, but even necessary. The second post-soviet war which was launched against Chechnya in 1999 was such a war. In this dissertation I explore the re-definition of "Chechnya" from 1996 to 2001. The official narrative that portrayed Chechnya as a potential partner in the interwar years was replaced by one that represented Chechnya as an existential terrorist threat from 1999 onward. This securitization of the Chechen issue comprised a re-drawing of the boundaries between "Chechnya" and "Russia" in Russian discourse that served to legitimize the increasingly violent practices against Chechnya and Chechens. The thesis employs and develops a post-structuralist version of securitization theory. This approach emphasises securitization as an intersubjective and ongoing process of legitimation, not as an instance or a moment. The social construction of Chechnya and Chechens as "terrorist" is conceptualized as a collective endeavour. Not only statements by the Russian leadership, but also historical representations as well as those of the wider political elite, journalists and experts contributed to this rough categorization. In the final chapter the thesis investigates how this linguistic categorization materialized in the brutal practices employed during the Second Chechen War.
Heading Forward in Response to Crisis: How the Ukraine Crisis Affected EU Maritime Foreign and Security Policy Integration
This chapter discusses the impact of the Ukraine crisis on EU foreign and security policy integration. It finds that the EU has responded to Russia’s aggression by deepening cooperation in areas not directly linked to Ukraine. Two least likely cases are analyzed: The EU’s Maritime Security Strategy and the EU’s Arctic policies. In both of these cases, agreement among the EU member states to adopt a common EU policy was driven mainly by Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014. This crisis functioned as a critical juncture, moving EU security policies to the top of the EU agenda and affecting reluctant member states’ positions in favor of forming common policies. In the foreign policy domain, crisis triggers more integration as the EU member states reactively seek to address common challenges.
Putins propagandaproblem
In this op-ed, Moen-Larsen and Gjerde write about the propaganda that has characterized the official Russian media coverage of the so-called “special military operation” in Ukraine.
Differentiated Integration and EU Outsiders: A Norwegian View
A non-EU state and member of the European Economic Area (EEA) since 1994, Norway enjoys a unique legal, political and practical relationship with the EU. This policy paper discusses what the EU’s increased openness to differentiation in association models and decision-making procedures could mean for a highly integrated third country like Norway, especially within foreign, security and defence policy. Based on interviews conducted in 2020 and 2021, we highlight three observations: First, Norway’s current association model – the EEA agreement plus some 70 bilateral agreements – is generally seen to have served Norwegian interests well, although both Europhile and EU-sceptic interviewees see EU–Norway relations as asymmetric. Second, the EU’s openness to differentiated solutions is generally welcomed, and considered to give Norway opportunities and leeway. Finally, Norwegian EU membership is unlikely to happen in the foreseeable future. Reasons include well-functioning association agreements, two negative votes on EU membership, and the continued and growing strength of EU-sceptic political parties in the Norwegian Parliament.
Kan Norge oppleve et cyberangrep i dag?
This oped discusses the risk of a cyber attack on Norwegian energy infrastructure after the introduction of sanctions against Russia in connection with Russia's war against Ukraine.
Rebel governance? A literature review of Boko Haram and the Islamic State in West Africa Province
The literature on rebel governance has fundamentally challenged the idea that ‘governance’ is the sole prerogative of ‘government’. Despite important advances over the past decade, studies have largely addressed rebel governance from an ‘institutionalist’ approach. This review seeks to go beyond an ‘institutionalist’ approach, by understanding ‘governance’ as the ‘whole set of practices and norms that govern daily life in a specific territory’. Drawing on a thorough review of literature on Boko Haram and the Islamic State in West Africa Province (ISWAP), this working paper analyses five under-examined independent variables that shape rebel governance in Nigeria’s north-east and Niger: illegitimate state practices, community resilience, and cohesion, external counterinsurgency actions, ‘big men’, and ideology.
UNITAMS Mandate Renewal Study: Fostering a Process of Trust and Inclusivity
The United Nations Integrated Transition Assistance Mission in Sudan (UNITAMS) was established on 3 June 2020 under UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 2524 to support Sudan during its transition to democratic rule and it was renewed the following year through SC 2579(2021). UNITAMS was conceived of and designed to respond to new and long-standing issues in Sudan: the political transition process that began with the December 2018 revolution and the legacy of armed conflicts. The Mission’s mandate explicitly recognises the adverse effects of climate change on the stability of Sudan and stresses the need for appropriate risk assessment and risk management strategies. Yet, since the adoption of the Mission’s mandate in June 2020 and its renewal in June 2021, Sudan’s political, security and economic situation has deteriorated significantly. An attempted military coup in September 2021, followed by a successful coup d’état on 25 October 2021, has further worsened Sudan’s political crisis, increasing insecurity, undermining the economy, and resulting in the interruption of bilateral and international funding – all amidst the continuing global pandemic. This fast-changing political, security and economic context has placed UNITAMS in a very delicate position in relation to the host government. It has required UNITAMS to focus a significant portion of its attention on good offices and diplomacy so that, together with the African Union (AU), Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), and other international partners and Sudanese stakeholders, it can support a process aimed at bringing Sudan’s transition back on track. While the UNITAMS mandate remains relevant and adequate, the Mission must continue to be allowed the flexibility to adapt its focus to the fast-changing dynamics on the ground. UNITAMS’ good offices’ role should remain at the centre of the Mission’s efforts during the next mandated period, helping Sudanese stakeholders to find an inclusive political settlement that can secure a transition to democratic rule in the medium to long term. At the same time, the Mission should continue its work in support of its other objectives and priorities, including the protection of civilians, the implementation of the peace agreement, and advisory and capacity building, particularly related to the rule-of-law sector. The Mission should strengthen its focus on and ability to integrate climate-related security risks into its analytical work, especially as it relates to supporting local conflict prevention, mitigation and reconciliation efforts to prevent inter-communal violence. While there has been significant progress in strengthening collaboration among the UN, AU and IGAD, maintaining and sustaining the partnership must remain a key priority in the Mission’s work to promote regional stability.
Dagsnytt18 om NATO, USA, Russland og Ukraina
Debate about the release of intelligence to thwart Russian offensive operations against Ukraine