Publications
Plug and Play: Multinational Rotation Contributions for UN Peacekeeping Operations
In January 2016, Norway deployed a C-130 military transport aircraft to the UN mission in Mali (MINUSMA). Given the number of attacks on patrols and logistics convoys of MINUSMA, which has been called ‘the world’s most dangerous UN mission’, a military transport aircraft like the C-130 is considered a critical enabler to the UN mission, whose ability to operate safely and carry out its mandate has often been limited by the lack of air assets. From the beginning of the mission in July 2013, European troop-contributing countries (TCCs) have provided military aircrafts (C-130s and smaller C-160s and C-295s), but the difference between these and the 2016 deployment was that the latter was longer term, providing more predictability for the UN since it would be part of a multinational rotation contribution (MRC) initiated by Norway, followed by Portugal, Denmark, Sweden and Belgium.
Nordens plass i Kinas nye æra?
Knapt året etter at norske myndigheter er ute av kineserens fryseboks har Xi Jinping nylig erklært til den 19 partikongressen at Kina er på vei inn i en ny epoke. Denne tredje epoken siden folkerepublikkens grunnleggelse, vil være den hvor Kina gjeninntar sin posisjon som global stormakt. Alle trender peker mot at verdens største økonomi snart vil være ikke-vestlig og ikke-demokratisk, for første gang siden Karl Johan var brödrafolkens konung. Hvordan har de nordiske land forholdt seg til denne historiske omskiftningen, og hvilke ringvirkninger ligger i vente for Norden i den nye kinesiske æra?
Impact of Climate Change on ASEAN International Affairs: Risk and Opportunity Multiplier
This study examines the implications of climate change for international affairs in Southeast Asia and for ASEAN as a multilateral organization. Climate change and efforts to mitigate climate change give rise to major risks as well as opportunities in international affairs. It is therefore in the interest of all countries to be aware of the risks and prepare for them, and the overarching purpose of this study is to support ASEAN and its member states in this area. Given Southeast Asia’s complex geography—with numerous archipelagoes, long coastlines, intricate borders, and great-power neighbors—climate change is especially likely to affect interstate relations in the region.Climate change may impact on international affairs among the ASEAN countries at several levels. Firstly, changing climatic conditions may affect interstate relations through humanitarian crises, migration, and/or the need for greater imports of vital goods. Secondly, reducing greenhouse gas emissions requires international coordination and cooperation. Thirdly, the global energy transition driven by climate policy may lead to an altered geopolitical situation in the world, including ASEAN.
'Have you entered the storehouses of the snow?' China as a norm entrepreneur in the Arctic
The admission of China as an observer in the Arctic Council in 2013 was a significant step in the ongoing evolution of the country's Arctic policy, but Beijing is still concerned about being accepted as a regional player given its geography and arguably lack of an Arctic history. As the Arctic becomes more open to scientific and economic engagement, China wishes to develop the idea of the Arctic as more of an international space as opposed to strictly a regional one, and to allow non-Arctic states, such as China itself, to become accepted as Arctic actors. However, in order to avoid a backlash from the Arctic states and potential exclusion from the region's development, Beijing cannot effectively be a unilateral ‘norm-maker’ in the Arctic. Instead, China has sought to develop the identity of a regional ‘norm entrepreneur’, engaging the Arctic on many levels to promote the norm of partnerships between Arctic and non-Arctic actors to promote positive sum outcomes. Through engagement via several areas and governmental levels, Beijing hopes to succeed in being widely viewed as a ‘near-Arctic state’ which can contribute to new norms, and possibly new regimes, in an Arctic which shows many signs of becoming further internationalised.
Regime Development and Patron–Client Relations: The 2016 Transnistrian Presidential Elections and the "Russia Factor"
In December 2016, Transnistria held presidential elections in which, after an exceptionally loud and dirty campaign, the incumbent yielded power to his main opponent. This article explores regime evolution in the breakaway republic through the prism of these elections. First, drawing on the literature on hybrid regimes, we ask what the recent campaign can tell us about regime evolution in Transnistria. Second, arguing that, in the case of Eurasian de facto states, this literature must be complemented by a discussion of the role of the patron state, we then turn to the importance of the "Russia factor." We conclude by arguing that, due to Transnistria's dependency on its Moscow patron, this factor always looms large – but not necessarily in the ways that might be expected.
Hva betyr brexit for utenforlandet Norge?
What does Brexit mean for EU outsider Norway? This article discusses how the British decision to leave the EU has influenced Norwegian EU debate thus far, and what implications Brexit might have for Norway’s relations with the EU and with Britain. I begin by presenting Norway’s current association model with the EU, and the ongoing political and media debate about membership and the EEA agreement, before I introduce Brexit as a breaking point. In the remainder of the article, I examine how the Norwegian government has approached Brexit so far, and reflect on how Britain’s departure from the EU may influence Norway’s relations with the EU, the EEA agreement and the British-Norwegian bilateral relationship.
Norden og Storbritannia – et nytt avsnitt
In this special issue of Internasjonal Politikk, we discuss how Britain’s decision to leave the EU will influence Norden and the individual Nordic countries. A little more than a year has now passed since the British EU referendum, which ended with a majority of those voting recommending that Britain should leave the Union. “Brexit” marks a crossroads in European political history, and will be central in European politics for many years to come. The outcome of the negotiations is uncertain, as are the long-term implications of Britain’s withdrawal. What is certain is that Brexit has already created unrest and insecurity in Europe, and that it will change both Britain’s role in Europe and intra-EU dynamics. These changes will in all likelihood also influence the Nordic countries – Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden – which belong in the Northwestern corner of Europe and historically have had close ties to Britain. Independent of their formal attachment to the EU, they all need to redefine their relations with Britain as well as with Europe and the EU post-Brexit.
Governmentality
Governmentality is a concept that Michel Foucault developed in response to critics that found no subjects in his analyses of power. It refers to how subjects such as states may govern from afar by conducting the conduct of other subjects such as NGOs, individuals etc. This chapter traces the emergence of the concept, relates it to Foucault’s two other modes of power (sovereignty and discipline) and précis its use across the social sciences.
Hegemonic-Order Theory: A Field-Theoretic Account
This article outlines a field-theoretic variation of hegemonic-order theory — one inspired primarily by the work of Pierre Bourdieu. We argue that hegemony derives from the possession of a plurality of meta-capital in world politics; hegemons exercise “a power over other species of power, and particularly over their rate of exchange.” Recasting conventional hegemonic-order theories along these lines carries with it at least three advantages: it helps bridge the differences between realist and neo-Gramscian approaches to hegemony; it provides scaffolding for exploring the workings of hegemony and hegemonic ordering across different scales; and it better addresses the fact that hegemonic powers are enabled and constrained by international order itself. After reviewing some of the major variants of hegemonic-order theory, we explore Bourdieu’s understanding of hegemony and cognate concepts. We then elaborate on our field-theoretic approach, with examples drawn from US foreign relations and the Roman Empire. Finally, we provide a longer illustrative sketch in the form of a discussion of Roman ordering and its longue durée influence on social, political, and cultural fields in world politics.
Quasi-Professionals in the Organisation of Transnational Crisis Mapping
The recent explosion of increasingly sophisticated mobile information communications technologies (ICTs) has led to the creation of new and complex networks and relationships. The fastest growth and adoption of mobile technologies is now in the developing world and often among populations facing development and humanitarian challenges. The entrepreneurial utilization of technological advances in these populations, combined with dispersed online networks in the developed world, is shaping global governance and the response of international organizations and governments in various ways. In this chapter we explore the particular phenomenon of crisis mapping that has arisen in the past five years out of the confluence of various technological advances and its combination with populations facing crisis. Specifically, we seek to analyze how quasi-professional crisis mappers or “mapsters” are shaping humanitarian action as an evolving professional field.